Endorsing Hate: CNN Hails Black Panthers and BLM as 'Mainstream'

https://www.newsbusters.org/blogs/nb/duncan-schroeder/2020/07/17/endorsing-hate-cnn-hails-black-panthers-and-blm-mainstream

On Friday’s New Day, CNN co-host Alisyn Camerota and fill-in Jim Sciutto brought on the host of United Shades of America, W. Kamau Bell to spout woke talking points. Bell went on a tear against white people, insisting that “white supremacy is a system that promotes whiteness.” He also claimed that the Black Panthers and Black Lives Matter are “mainstream” groups and praised Democratic politicians such as Congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-NY) for working “against the interests of white folks.”

Per typical CNN, Scuitto and Bell began by bashing President Trump:

 

SCIUTTO: Kamau, you and I have talked a lot about how racism — it’s not just about the folks in — in the white suits, right? That — that you have it just below the surface or not even that far below the surface. I want to play some comments from President Trump yesterday regarding the fair housing act, because this struck me as one of those not dog whistle moments but — but bullhorn moments. Have a listen to his comments and I want get your thoughts.

[Cuts to video]

DONALD TRUMP: Abolish in the suburbs — you’re going to abolish the suburbs with this. They want low income housing built in the neighborhood. Well I’m ending that rule, I’m taking it out.

[Cuts to live]

SCIUTTO: What exactly is he saying there to suburban residents in your view?

BELL: I mean, as — as I understand it, that the suburbs were created for white flight. It was created when the cities got too black and brown and white people who had some money were like, we have to go to a place that is not so black and brown. And the suburbs were built for those people. So when he says abolish the suburbs even though lots of black and brown people at this point live in the suburbs, he is dog whistling, or as you say bull horning, to white folks that the blacks and the browns are coming and their coming for your — they’re coming for your nice manicured lawn and your picket fence your house you probably can’t afford because your mortgage is underwater.

Bell lied because the notion of “white flight” is a myth that has no statistical basis. African Americans have actually fled inner cities at higher rates than whites and the five largest suburbs in the U.S. have the fastest growing black populations in the U.S. No doubt to escape issues such as crime and poverty created by failed progressive policies.

Bell then nastily attacked white Americans:

In America, white supremacy is a system that promotes whiteness and white maleness specifically and white Christian maleness specifically over everyone else. And so we really want to talk about, like it’s — it’s — it’s — it’s blockbusting, it’s red lining. But it’s also just people who feel like they have no responsibility for racism in this country because they never personally owned slaves.

All white Americans are responsible for white supremacy! Every single last one of you! But is it not racist to accuse a whole group of doing something based on the color of their skin?

 

Sciutto and Bell then discussed BLM and the Black Panthers no longer being “fringe” organizations:

SCIUTTO: Black Lives Matter, which — which for some time was a fringe motto if you want to call it that, of a movement, now — now has a majority of Americans who — who believe there is something there. In doing this, did –did you find the conversation — conversation changing in this country in a positive direction?

BELL: I mean, you know, I live out here in Oakland in the bay area so — where — where Alicia Garza, one of the co-founders of Black Lives Matter lives and so out here it never felt fringe. I feel like the country is coming to Oakland basically, is that the conversation that we are –have been having out here for years, I mean the Black Panthers are from Oakland, is now being more mainstream.

BLM not “fringe?” Two of BLM’s leaders are self-described Marxists. Furthermore, the group’s New York leader stated: “If this country doesn’t give us what we want, then we will burn down this system and replace it.” The group’s website goes well beyond the issue of policing, but instead has discussed destroying the nuclear family. One could even argue that the Black Panthers are even more extreme. Don’t take our word for it. Even the far-left Southern Poverty Law Center has designated the Black Panthers as a hate group which has advocated for and carried out violence against whites, Jews, and the police. Good to know that CNN has gone so far left that it is endorsing Marxists and hate groups!

Bell then praised far left politicians such as Ocasio-Cortez:

 

And so I think that it’s — we have to talk about systems in — in the same way that the squad came through to change — change Congress, we need lots more versions of that, of more people running for office who are representing different groups of people against the interests of the white folks in America.

And working against “the interests of the white folks?” Are we not all Americans that benefit from the same “interests?” For a guy that supposedly works against racism, Bell seems to be offering a message to the contrary.

CNN has gone so far left that it’s endorsed people who are racist towards white Americans and advocate for hate groups and Marxist organizations.

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My Career as a White Police Officer

Daniel Vinyard, American Renaissance, July 31, 2020

I was born and raised in a small suburb east of a major southern California city. I went to the local Catholic school and had the standard blue-collar, lower middle-class childhood. My only significant experiences with black people were during Pop Warner football games, when our team traveled to the “urban” parts of the city. What I remember most was the awful condition of the “field.” Hardly a blade of grass lived on the gridiron, and the yard markers were upturned plastic waste baskets with the yard lines spray painted on them.

Our black opponents would intimidate us by their noticeably larger size and by warming up with thigh-pad-slapping pre-game chants. The shouting and hollering were nothing any of us had ever seen before. I remember their imposing size and demeanor almost as much as I remember the spitting, pinching, and groin punching in the scrums after a play.

In what was perhaps a peace offering on my part, I remember picking up the loose helmet of one of my imposingly large opponents and handing it to him. The inside was greased up to the point that I could barely get a grip on it. I was unfamiliar with the black ritual of applying chemical straightener to hair. I could see the boy’s shiny hair under the clear shower cap they all seemed to wear beneath their helmets. That was my first real experience with blacks.

Myles Garrett and Mason Rudolph

Cleveland Browns defensive end Myles Garrett 95 swings at Pittsburgh Steelers quarterback Mason Rudolph 2 with Rudolph’s own helmet with 0:08 seconds left in the fourth quarter of the National Football League game between the Pittsburgh Steelers and Cleveland Browns on November 14, 2019, at FirstEnergy Stadium in Cleveland, OH. (Credit Image: © Imago via ZUMA Press)

My childhood was good, and I grew up doing the usual things: tackle football, playing army, and shooting BB guns. I never experienced violent crime. I went to an almost all-white high school with about 1,500 students. There were so few black people, I can still remember their names. There were occasional fistfights, but they were almost always between white students. There were rules: Fights were always one-on-one — no “jumping in” — and no weapons. Once a boy was defeated, there were no cheap shots or dirty moves. The crowd that always gathered would have punished any violations. Years later, I was disgusted when I first saw large mobs of blacks attacking each other and passersby in dirty, cowardly ways.

During high school, I had the usual menial jobs: paperboy, fast food, roofing, construction site cleanup, etc. By a stroke of luck or fate, I entered law enforcement at the age of 18 and became a cadet for the local county court agency. As an unarmed cadet, I had several jobs. I was responsible for county courthouse interoffice mail delivery, monitoring the X-ray machine and metal detector at the courthouse, and serving court documents on people.

It was during this job that I first began to experience blacks and what I would later learn was their distinctive behavior. When I worked security at the courthouse, I was, first of all, astounded at the number of blacks coming into court. If I ever ventured up to the actual halls upstairs, they were choked with black men and women, shouting and roughhousing. The sanctity of the courtroom and its procedures were lost on them.

 

Many blacks seemed not to understand what a metal detector does. They would walk through with large knives in their pockets, fistfuls of change, huge belt buckles, and the like. It got to the point that I would stop them before they went through and remind them what counted as “metal.” I remember a black woman who put her infant car carrier on the X-ray machine conveyor belt with the baby still soundly sleeping inside. Blacks often put full coffee cups on the belt.

Walk-through_metal_detector

Credit Image: PQ77wd / Wikimedia

One of my duties was to serve eviction notices. I will never forget one street, where I served several eviction notice each day, five days a week. The public housing buildings were pale green and there was not a blade of mowed grass and every window seemed cracked or broken out. No matter the day of week or time of day, there was always someone home to accept service. There were always big crowds of able-bodied black men from about 17–40 years of age roaming around. I remember naively thinking, “Wow. They must all get Tuesdays off of work.”

Once, when I knocked on a door, a gigantic, muscular black man answered the door. He yanked the paperwork from my hands and slammed the door. At the end of my shift, my sergeant summoned me to his office. He was aghast to learn that I, a baby-faced cadet wearing a “badge” and a uniform, would go down that street. I was forbidden from ever going to that location again. I was made to understand that my naiveté about black people had nearly got me killed.

When I was about 20, I went on a ride along with an officer who worked for the largest police agency in the county. He worked in the division that was known to have the highest black population and therefore, the highest level of violent crime. Ironically, it was the same area where I had played pee wee football games. The ball fields had only gotten worse. As I rode along with the officer, I was immediately struck by the large groups of blacks near liquor stores, convenience stores, and on street corners. Almost without exception, when the police car came into view, they would all take off running in different directions. I remember following behind the officer as he tried to catch stragglers. I watched in awe as he pulled out large bags of crack cocaine and/or handguns from their pockets.

Liquor Store in Anacostia

The intersection of Martin Luther King Jr. and Malcolm X Ave. in Washington, DC.

Later, the officer took me with him to serve a narcotics search warrant. I was allowed inside (that would be forbidden today). After the warrant was served, I saw bits of crack cocaine scattered all over the living room floor where the suspect had thrown them when the officers came in. There were three little black kids in the house. They were filthy and in diapers that were long past changing. The excitement and adrenaline of that ride-along encouraged me to go into law enforcement.

Something else I noticed: The sparsely furnished apartment was ridiculously hot. All four burners of the stove were on, and the oven was at 400 degrees with the door open. As I later learned, the apartments of blacks were, without exception, ridiculously hot. In Southern California, it was rarely necessary to need heating, but blacks always had their living spaces heated well above the comfort level for most white people. I later learned that blacks used the stove for heat so often that they referred to chilly nights as “four burner nights.” Maybe they wanted their places hotter than the heating system would get it, or maybe they were saving on heating bills. Either way, this practice of using the stove for heating often led to house fires.

In the early 1990s, when I was trying to get a job as an officer, affirmative action was in full swing. Whites all assumed that it would be nearly impossible for us to get a job in this “climate.” The lines just to take the written exam were hundreds of people long, and almost everyone was white. Most of the applicants were recently discharged military, and I remember everyone was well dressed and carrying himself in a professional manner. We knew that the proctors of the written test were members of the agency to which we were applying. Affirmative action made it an uphill battle, so we wanted to make as good an impression as possible. I still remember, almost 30 years later, sitting in my truck in a suit and tie, pouring over my study guide one last time before going in to take the test.

I tested for four different agencies, scoring in the top 5 percent each time. I never got an offer. Finally, three months after I turned 21, I was hired by an agency to the south of the major city in the area.

I attended the academy with about 125 other recruits, and whites were the minority in a class with many blacks, Hispanics, and Asians. I was amazed to see some of the black candidates drive up in cars with hydraulics and booming stereo systems blasting “gangster rap.” I took my training seriously, and was the top shooter and one of the top 10 runners during physical training. I clearly remember four groups for physical training: “gold,” “silver,” “silver two,” and “bronze.”

Affirmative Action

 

The “bronze” team was almost all black, except for a few obese white officers. I remember watching blacks feign injury or intentionally run into things to hurt themselves and avoid running. Time after time, they would be excused from physical training. The 10 members of the “gold” group — the top runners — were all white men. We worked harder than the others and held ourselves to a much higher standard; we wanted to be the best. One of the other men in “gold” was a former drill instructor for the Marine Corps. One of my fondest memories of the academy is hearing him call cadence as we ran.

Blacks were subpar in report writing and shooting skills as well. Time after time, my classmates and I noticed obvious failures on the shooting range, in the classroom, or during practical exercises, yet nothing was ever done. I graduated near the top of my class; I was not yet 22. Many black officers who should have failed out of the academy were put onto the streets.

We all started in the FTO or Field Training Officer phase. For several weeks, we rode together with experienced officers, who thoroughly documented and critiqued every move we made. Only after successfully completing the FTO program did we become one-year probationary officers who could ride alone in a squad car.

I will never forget my very first radio call for service. I responded to the local 7-Eleven with my training officer. The 60-year-old clerk was bleeding from the top of his head and showed us security camera footage. Four large black men, all clad in matching purple sweatshirts and sweatpants, came in, each armed with a full-size shotgun. I watched the footage and saw the elderly clerk hand over the money. After getting $80, one of the suspects hit the man over the head with the barrel of his shotgun. As a naive young officer, I wondered, “Why did he feel the need to hurt him after getting what he wanted?” It was at this moment that I became aware of the violent tendencies of blacks.

I remember a call after a customer tried to enter a video rental store and called police because he found it strange that the store was locked at 5 p.m. After the owner showed up and let me in, I found the four employees bound and gagged in the back office. Two armed black men had come in and robbed them. After tying up the employees, they took their driver’s licenses and told them they would kill their families if they cooperated with police.

Two Black Gangsters with Guns

Credit Image: Mark Allen Johnson / ZUMAPRESS.com

I will never forget the look of fear on the employees’ faces when we found them. They were terrified and crying, pleading with their eyes to be untied. There were three men and one woman, and I started with the woman. I was mortified to think of the horror they had gone through. Did they think they were going to be shot and killed? Was the woman afraid she would be raped? Were they thinking of their loved ones; begging for their lives? I couldn’t stop thinking of all that agony — and for what couldn’t have been more than $1,000 in the till.

The suspects were later caught doing the same thing in a different part of the state. This kind of crime is called a takeover robbery — a gang of men bursts into a store and “takes over.” As in the movies, they may fire a shot through the ceiling. The idea is to terrify people and take complete control.

One day on patrol, I saw two blacks sitting in a Volkswagen Jetta with Vermont plates. This piqued my interest, so I turned my car around and stopped them. The driver parked and the two walked away in different directions. I found one of the men hiding behind a dumpster in an alleyway and my partner detained the other in a trailer park across the street. The car was not reported stolen and neither of the men had warrants for arrest. The driver was unlicensed, but we did not ordinarily tow a car unless the driver’s license was suspended.

My intuition told me something was wrong — call it racial profiling if you like — so I let the men go but took the risk of angering my sergeant by having the car towed. I still remember thinking I was rolling the dice on that one. I returned to the station to finish paperwork and was paged over the intercom to call dispatch right away. The car had just been reported carjacked by two blacks.

We rushed back to where I had left the two and, astonishingly, they were still there, so we arrested them. The carjacking had taken place in the eastern part of the county. The men kidnapped the owner and took him to several different ATMs to withdraw money. Then they put him in the trunk and drove towards my city. They stopped along the freeway, took his shoes, and let him go. The man had to walk to the nearest freeway exit to call and report the crime. Later, I told one of the suspects that he was being charged with kidnapping and robbery. “Kidnapping?” he asked. “How can it be kidnapping if we let him go?”

 
Black Gangster with Rifle and Car

Credit Image: Mark Allen Johnson / ZUMAPRESS.com

One incident with an elderly couple affected me deeply. The gentleman was a WWII veteran. He told me that he couldn’t sleep, so he went into the kitchen for milk and cookies. He saw candle wax on the kitchen floor and followed it to his wife’s room (they slept separately). He found his 75-year-old wife raped and severely beaten. She described her assailant as a black man and I was required to ask her vile, embarrassing questions: “Ma’am, what was he saying to you? Did he ejaculate? What did he do when he was finished?”

I will never forget that interview. As is customary with black-on-elderly rape, the assailant stole the woman’s jewelry. I’m not sure why the woman did not cry out for help; maybe the man threatened to kill her and her husband if she made a sound.

We often hear that all black families have “the talk” with their children — especially boys — to explain that any white officer is looking for any excuse to kill them, so they must always cooperate and be polite. If there is a “talk,” it must be a mother telling her children (fathers are almost never around) that they don’t have to do anything the police say or follow any of our directions, that they should talk back to us and be as hostile as possible. I can count on the fingers of one hand the number of black suspects who have been “meek, calm, and cooperative.” From the beginning of my career in the early 1990s to today, almost every time I have dealt with a black suspect, he or she has been confrontational, complaining of “racism” or “profiling.”

Even victims are hostile. Either they are angry that we have not immediately caught their attacker, or they refuse to cooperate. I have stood over black or Hispanic shooting victims, moaning in pain, as paramedics work on them, asking basic questions: Who did this to you? Who were you with? Where were you? The answer was almost always, “I dunno” or a shrug of the shoulders. They wanted to “handle the problem” on their own with street justice, and they saw any type of cooperation with the police as a sign of weakness. I took many attempted murder reports for which there was absolutely no suspect information or leads to follow up on — because the victim or witnesses refused to give us any.

snitches get stitches

One of the more common practices after a shooting was for the friends of the victim to drive him to the emergency room, dump him outside the door, and drive away. That way, they can get help for their friend but avoid any contact with the authorities.

Regardless of the call or reason for the contact, there is conflict between the police and blacks. With the national hoopla today, it has gotten much worse. Now, it is almost a requirement that black suspects shout that they are being “profiled” for “no reason” and to resist both verbally and physically.

Even when I started my career, it was very common to be “complained on” by blacks — they would file formal complaints with the department — but it is a thousand times worse today. Officers are therefore especially careful to give no grounds for complaint when they must deal with blacks.

During police contact, adult black men often telephone their mothers, and this often ends with the mother demanding to speak with the officers who are detaining their precious angels. A black suspect’s mother often shows up on the scene. You can decide for yourself whether she is there to encourage cooperation or to harass and argue with us. Add to this the invariable presence of large groups of hostile blacks filming an officer’s every move, and you may get a faint idea of how frustrating it is to deal with blacks.

mckinney

 

The media are constantly on the lookout for any story that can be spun into victimization of blacks, so I make a point of warning command staff after virtually any contact with blacks. Anything can blow up into a big news story, and if the department is called upon for a comment, it has to know the basics of what happened. All this means officers are reluctant to get involved with blacks.

There were many Hispanics in the area where I was first hired, and their most common crimes were domestic violence, drug sales, and robbery. Nearly all the gangs in our city were Hispanic, and they claimed specific territories.

Hispanics would prey upon any race of people for robberies, burglaries, thefts or other crimes for material gain — usually to buy drugs. As for violence, they mostly attacked other Hispanics, since shootings and stabbings were usually either gang or — strange as it may seem — family related. During our pre-shift briefings, when our sergeant told us he had received intel that there would be a quinceanera party that evening, the shift would let out a collective groan.

A quinceanera is a celebration of a girl’s 15th birthday, and most Hispanics throw the most lavish party they can afford. Almost without exception, it would culminate in a stabbing, shooting, or large brawl, for which there were only two causes: a distant uncle would drink too many Budweisers (the beer they drank almost exclusively) and would “disrespect” another family member. The other cause was when the Hispanic gang of the area tried to crash the party, and the family tried to keep it out — which would mean a fight and maybe some stabbing and shooting. One of those two outcomes was almost inevitable.

Quinceañera

A quinceañera before the trouble starts. (Credit Image: Christopher Michel via Wikimedia)

It was very rare for Hispanics to commit “random” violent attacks on whites, old people, or women of the kind so frequent among blacks. There was a lot of domestic violence, but Hispanic women never called police on their spouse/boyfriend; if we were called, it was always by someone else. The main concern for the woman was that the sole breadwinner of the household might be arrested. A huge majority of the Hispanics were illegal immigrants and feared deportation above all else. I have seen frightened, horribly beaten women sitting on a couch, staring silently into space as I interviewed them through an interpreter; they refused to cooperate. There were always children wandering around the house who must have seen their mother being beaten. I often wondered how many beatings the woman had suffered without the police being called.

I also dealt with many white criminals, mostly for property crimes, methamphetamine (possession and intoxication), and the occasional violent crime. Whites did not commit the shocking and abhorrent crimes common among blacks, whose preferred activities seemed to be takeover robberies committed by organized groups, violent assaults on the elderly, rape, carjacking, and shootings. I was always struck by incomprehensible, gratuitous black violence. I have no recollection of any memorable or shocking Asian crimes during my time with this agency.

Over the years, I worked with officers of nearly every race. One of my partners on a drugs taskforce was a highly intelligent Hispanic. He was a college graduate and was very articulate. He achieved great success and was quickly promoted. He and I worked very well together and assembled evidence for several very good cases. I later learned that he became involved in unscrupulous sexual activity and was eventually fired for stealing 20 dollars’ worth of equipment and lying about it. I was shocked.

There were a number of lazy and less than competent white and Hispanic officers, but almost all the black officers performed poorly. They could rarely pass the rigorous testing process for promotion, and always seemed content to do the minimum amount of work. Blacks rarely applied to become detectives, for example, because there was a strict selection process. For whites, detective was a coveted position, but they had to fight extreme affirmative action to get it. I can’t even count how many times a highly qualified and dedicated officer was passed over for a barely competent and borderline illiterate black officer.

It’s not like in the movies.

I was convinced then and still am that blacks work so little in order to avoid exposing their incompetence. I remember one very large black officer who would consistently give incorrect or non-existent locations when he called for assistance on the radio. On several occasions, we went on wild goose chases looking for him. This was so common that responding officers would ask him what landmarks he could see.

Another black officer was caught lying about the location he was responding from when he got a radio call for help. This would be his excuse for taking up to 20 minutes to respond to a call. When he was investigated for poor response time, it was found that he was having affairs with several women and was servicing them while on duty. That investigation was swept under the rug and he was “promoted” to detective to remedy the problem. I remember once he tried to pick a fight in the locker room when a white officer challenged him about his long response times. Needless to say, he was a perpetual “victim,” and an incompetent, confrontational employee for his whole career. The “promotion” to detective was a good outcome. Off the street and behind a desk was the best place for him; that way, no one would have to rely on him for help. But I don’t recall his ever putting together a noteworthy investigation.

 

I was hired along with a black woman who entered the training program with me after the academy. She was ridiculously incompetent, and her training program was extended for two extra months. Any other officer would have been fired. She could not grasp a single aspect of the profession, and it was clear she had been hired to make the department look good on paper. Each of her field training officers thoroughly documented her incompetence day after day, but the department wouldn’t fire her. Eventually — to the benefit of the community — she was finally let go.

Diverse Police Officers

You sometimes hear that black officers treat black offenders more harshly than white officers do because they want to punish them for preying on “the community.” I never saw that.

I was a successful and productive officer. I was quickly selected to the gang unit and later to a county-wide drug and gang taskforce. Once, I was parked in my unmarked car waiting for my partners so we could serve a search warrant. I was wearing a marked, police-department tactical vest and my badge was around my neck. A black transvestite walked up and rapped on the car window. When I rolled it down, he asked, “You looking for a date, honey?” Incredulous, I looked down at my badge and the large “police” patch on my vest. He said, “Nigga, I don’t give a fuck if you’re a cop. Do you want a date or not?” I had been on the job for about six years and was beginning to have had enough.

Three final incidents pushed me out of California law enforcement. We served a drug warrant on a house, and the black suspect ran to the back as we entered. He scattered crack cocaine all over the floor and tried to get to a handgun in the closet. After a short, violent struggle, we got him into custody. The squalor of the place was appalling. As we cleared the rest of the house, we found his three children sitting on the bed in the master bedroom. Their eyes were glued to the pornographic movie the man had been watching. They must have paid no attention to the commotion of the arrest. I suspect the man just parked his children in the bedroom and kept them distracted with movies while he did his drug business.

Black Criminal

Credit Image: Lou Jones / ZUMAPRESS.com

Near the beach, there was a large parking lot where hundreds of black men and women congregated every weekend to drink illegally, blast music, and sometimes shoot each other. They made the neighborhood unlivable. To stop the partying, we flooded the area with police, and stopped every vehicle with a code violation. If a driver was driving on a suspended license — an offense so common among blacks, it was almost a guarantee — we could tow the vehicle.

I stopped a woman for several violations and learned she was suspended. I had her get out of the car, and she gave me the obligatory verbal abuse when I told her the vehicle was going to be towed. Her three children began to wander through the parking lot. It was dangerous; lots of cars weaving in and out, and the children could have gotten lost in the crowd. She yelled at one child, about two years old, “Dante, come hold yo’ sister hand!” When the child ignored her and kept walking, she shouted, “Dante! Motherfucka, come hold yo’ sister hand!!” It was about this time that I learned I was going to be a father. I couldn’t understand how someone could speak to any child that way, much less her own flesh and blood.

The final incident involved my neighbor across the street. She had gone to the local gas station/convenience store. She went inside to pay for her gas and left her six-year-old daughter and infant son in his car seat inside the vehicle. A black man got into her still-running vehicle and she came outside to try to stop him. As she struggled with the carjacker at the driver’s side door, the six-year-old heroically took her infant brother from his car seat and escaped. Seeing this, the mother stopped fighting and watched her minivan screech out of the parking lot.

I will never forget the look on her face as she told me that story. The thought of her children falling into the hands of that man clearly made her blood run cold. It was at that moment that I knew I would not raise my daughter among blacks and I certainly wouldn’t send her to a school that I knew would be plagued with black crime. Looking back 22 years later, it was the smartest decision I ever made.

White Picket Fence

The search for a neighborhood of white picket fences: An American tradition.

I applied at a similarly-sized agency in the northwest and was quickly hired. I picked the location because it was mostly white, and I was not disappointed. I immediately noticed there was almost no violent crime. Our major service calls were for theft, restraining potential suicides, traffic accidents, and drugs. There was no graffiti, no gangs to speak of, no auto theft, and, most notably, nearly zero gun crime — despite the fact that nearly everyone carries a gun here.

 

I joined officers from dozens of other heavily black cities. We have officers from Seattle, Los Angeles, Phoenix, Boston, Baltimore, and many other places. The running joke among officers who relocate here is, “Why did you leave the warm, beautiful city of _______? There wasn’t enough snow?” The overwhelming majority came to escape black violence and rear their children in an area where they won’t be subjected to “diversity” in the schools and violence in their neighborhoods.

For two decades, I have enjoyed a different style of police work. No longer do I have to delay my patrol as large groups of blacks deliberately drag their feet crossing the street to make me stop my car. I don’t have to deal with elderly convenience store clerks shot in the chest after giving up $50, black men raping and beating elderly women, open-air drug markets, or street prostitution. After my experience with Hispanics in California, I am amazed by how seldom I have been called for wife beating.

We have very few black officers, but their work habits fit the pattern. There are one or two who are professional and relatively competent (each has a white mother and an absent black father). For the most part, our black officers are the same as they were in my first agency. They do the minimum amount of work, never seek promotions or try for specialty assignments like being a detective. Instead, they like off-site work, such as guarding city buildings or schools. They can hide; they never have to respond to a potentially violent service call.

I have never had to fire my weapon on duty, but I have drawn and pointed it thousands of times. Police officers draw their weapons “in anticipation of danger.” There are many circumstances in which I draw my firearm but these are the most basic reasons: I see something that alerts me to potential danger, or I am responding to someone who has just committed a violent crime. I draw my weapon not just for self-protection. A show of force and instant domination of a potentially violent situation gives me the advantage and shows dangerous suspects that I am prepared to stop any violent threat.

I have been in several situations where I could justifiably have fired my weapon but didn’t. No officer wants to have to shoot someone, even to protect his own life. Police officers voluntarily took a job to protect and serve, and we all agreed to take calculated risks to ensure public safety.

To Serve and Protect

In my nearly 30 years of police experience, I have never mistreated a suspect because of race. Today’s anti-police hysteria would have you believe that police start and end their shifts hunting for black people to stop, but the reality of police work is simple. We have radios and computers in our cars that dispatch us. We don’t just appear where black people happen to be. We are sent there. We don’t control who commits crime. We don’t control the victims or witnesses who call 911. We stop, investigate, and arrest blacks disproportionately because of one indisputable fact: Blacks commit more crime.

If the radio or computer in our car tells us a green Martian wearing a silver spacesuit just committed an armed robbery, we go to the location and look for a green Martian wearing a silver space suit. If the radio or the computer tells us that a black man just shot several people, we flood the area and look for — you guessed it, a black man. George Floyd, Michael Brown, Rayshard Brooks et. al. weren’t randomly chosen. In every incident, they were committing crimes that had been called in by victims or witnesses. The fact that they chose not to cooperate or to attack the police was entirely their choice.

Our job is to enforce the law. If a suspect resists, we are allowed to use force. Each of those black men would be alive today if he had followed lawful commands and had submitted to lawful arrest. There is no disputing that fact. Police officers want to arrest dangerous criminals to protect their community, and we will go wherever that call for service takes us.

Unfortunately, the city where I now work is destroying itself in the name of “diversity.” As the federal government foists hundreds, if not thousands of African refugees upon our town, crimes that were unheard of are becoming common: children stabbed to death, gun crime, and murder for hire. I now see sub-Saharan Africans walking down Main Street with 40-pound bags of rice on their heads. People from Third-World countries full of squalor and corruption come to our city and demand special treatment while contributing nothing. No politician can complain without committing career suicide. I am now in a supervisory position and can say, without hesitation, that every major crime here involves a black person. The most dangerous service call of each shift for the last several months has involved a black man with a gun or large mobs of violent blacks.

 
Black African Immigration Since 1980 (USA)

Sub-Saharan African Immigrant Population in the United States, 1980-2018 Source: Data from U.S. Census Bureau 2006, 2010, 2015 and 2018 American Community Surveys (ACS), and Campbell J. Gibson and Kay Jung, “Historical Census Statistics on the Foreign-born Population of the United States: 1850-2000” (Working Paper no. 81, U.S. Census Bureau, Washington, DC, February 2006). (Credit Image: Migration Policy Institute)

As the “defund the police” movement gains momentum, police officers are leaving the profession in droves. My agency is no exception. Soon, very few people, if any, will apply for this job. In order to fill vacancies, agencies will have to eliminate written tests, lower hiring standards, and look the other way on questionable backgrounds. This has all been tried before in the name of “diversity,” and led to incompetent, untrustworthy, corrupt officers. This is a disaster for any society.

White people are too frightened to talk about the rampant black crime that is documented every day. Whites have become the “silenced majority,” in order to protect their livelihood and to avoid being called the word against which there is no defense: “racist.” This police department is full of men and women who can tell city council exactly what happens when a city submits to the corrosive grip of the black hand. Will they listen before it’s too late?

Perhaps more important, will the officers themselves speak up? No one wants to be the one who stands up and takes the heat. Officers all over the country are trying to protect their pensions and their very livelihood. And would it even make a difference if they risked their careers and told the truth? There is no easy way out.

Implicitly White, Explicitly Anti-White

American Renaissance, December 2009

NASCAR

In his January 2009 Atlantic cover article, “The End of White America?” Asian-American Vassar professor Hua Hsu, wrote of the few scraps whites still hold on to. He called it “a racial pride that dares not speak its name, and that defines itself through cultural cues” such as the “Blue Collar Comedy Tour, the rise of country music, and auto racing.”

Professor Kevin MacDonald of UC Long Beach coined the term “implicit whiteness” — “implicit because explicit assertions of white identity have been banned by the anti-white elites that dominate our politics and culture.” Professor MacDonald argues that this implicit pride is insufficient because it shows a lack of cultural confidence. I would go further: Many of the most implicitly white institutions — country music, NASCAR, and the Republican Party — openly push an anti-white agenda.

Rural white music

Country music could just as easily be called rural white music. With a few exceptions, virtually every country music star has been white and the fan base is even whiter. Moreover, most of the fans and the musicians are diehard Republicans. However, I appear to be the only person who has noticed that two of the current top-twenty country songs praise both Martin Luther King and Rosa Parks.

To a casual listener, Tim McGraw’s hit “Southern Voice,” with the lines “Jesus is my friend/America is my home,” sounds like an ode to old-fashioned Southern values. The song praises great representatives of the “Southern Voice:” “Hank Williams sang it,” “Jack Daniels drunk it,” etc. However, the song does not say “Robert Lee Fought for it.” Instead we learn that “Dr. King paved it,” “Rosa Parks rode it,” “Aretha Franklin sold it,” and “Michael Jordan dunked it.” To Mr. McGraw, Southerners can be proud of the blacks who undermined their institutions.

 

Mr. McGraw also sang a duet with a rapper named Nelly. One of Nelly’s singles is called “Pimp Juice,” in which he says that women want him only for his “pimp juice,” which he needs to let loose.

The number-four country song is Brad Paisley’s “Welcome to the Future.” He begins innocently enough by musing about how gadgets he dreamed of as a child — TVs in the backs of cars and portable video games — are now realities, but he goes downhill:

I had a friend in school

Running back of the football team

They burned a cross in his front yard

For asking out the homecoming queen

I thought about him today

And everybody who seen what he seen

From a woman on a bus

To a man with a dream

Hey, wake up Martin Luther

Hey, glory, glory, hallelujah

The music video looks like a United Colors of Benetton ad with dozens of children — presumably representing the future — saying what they want to be when they grow up. Two thirds of them are non-white or mixed-race, including a boy in a turban and a black girl saying “I’m going to be president.”

Mr. Paisley says the election of President Obama inspired him to write the song:

Invariably, someone would say: ‘Do you think the country is ready to elect a black president?’ And we’d think: ‘It would be nice, but I don’t know.’ [After the election] you just felt like the world had reached some sort of moment you will never forget in your life.

Not surprisingly, Michelle Obama chose Mr. Paisley to perform at the White House for the country-music part of her Music Series for Education.

In 2003, before the invasion of Iraq, the Dixie Chicks said President Bush made them ashamed to be from Texas. Fans boycotted the Chicks, and even ran over their CDs with a tractor. Their career never recovered. Yet a song hailing miscegenation, the most left-wing president in history, and the demographic destruction of the country becomes a chart topper without a peep.

Country songs have a reputation for conservatism. Merle Haggard’s 1969 anti-counterculture anthem, “Okie from Muskogee,” may be the best known example of a country music political statement. Mr. Haggard also recorded “Cherokee Maiden” in which he pledged his heart to an Indian, but it is less well known that he penned another pro-miscegenation ditty, “Irma Jackson.” He sang of his forbidden love with the song’s black namesake: “There’s no way the world will understand that love is color blind/ That’s why Irma Jackson can’t be mine.”

In 1970, country music executives realized this would ruin Mr. Haggard’s image, and they would not let him record the song. Mr. Paisley faces no such obstacles.

Mr. Haggard is not the only “conservative” singer who has promoted anti-white sentiment. The band Montgomery Gentry scored a hit with “You Do Your Thing, I’ll Do Mine,” which promotes the war in Iraq and school prayer. But they also recorded Kenny Chesney’s song, “Some People Change,” which praises a son overcoming his father’s racism:

His old man was a rebel yeller:

Bad boy to the bone.

He’d say: “Can’t trust that colored fella,”

He’d judge ’em by the tone of their skin.

He was raised to think like his Dad:

Narrow mind full of hate.

On the road to nowhere fast,

Till the Grace of God got in the way.

The next verse, is about a woman recovering from alcoholism — presumably a lesser disorder.

 

Toby Keith is another country star, whose “Courtesy of the Red, White, and Blue (The Angry American)” is considered a patriotic masterpiece and modern reincarnation of “Okie from Muskogee.” He also feuded publicly with The Dixie Chicks over their opposition to the war in Iraq. However, he played at the Live 8 festival with Tim McGraw, of “Southern Voice” fame, along with various rappers to promote African debt relief. He is also good friends with New Mexico’s pro-amnesty governor, Bill Richardson.

Country singers score hit after hit with pro-Christian and pro-war songs, but to date, no Nashville singer has recorded a song against affirmative action or illegal immigration. Occasionally, country singers praise the Confederacy, oppose gun control, or call for rough justice, but in their music videos the criminals are always white.

Hank Williams Jr.’s “If the South Would Have Won” is as close as a popular country singer has gotten to a racial message. Mr. Williams sang that if he were president of the Confederacy, “We’d put Florida on the right track, ’cause we’d take Miami back, and throw all them pushers in the slammer.” Mr. Williams wrote the song 20 years ago when he was one of the giants of the industry, so it is unclear if such a song could make it in Nashville today.

Car racing

NASCAR is even whiter than country music — despite all its efforts not to be. Every marginally successful driver is white, as are the fans. I suggest that readers go to at least one NASCAR race. Even if you do not enjoy the sport, there is much to be said for mixing with a hundred thousand fans waving Confederate flags. I can usually count the number of blacks in attendance on one hand. Of course, these blacks are treated respectfully, as opposed to how whites are treated at rap concerts.

According to columnist Steve Sailer, “NASCAR is an ethnic pride festival for the one group of people who aren’t supposed to hold ethnic pride festivals.” This pays off. Despite getting no attention from the mainstream media, NASCAR is the fastest growing professional sport in America.

Atlanta magazine interviewed race-car driver and son of a race-car driver, Dale Earnhardt Jr. — a major Republican donor — along with his friend, the rapper and actor known as Ludacris. Readers may know Ludacris for his song “Obama is Here,” which includes the lines, “Paint the White House black and I’m sure that’s got ’em terrified/McCain don’t belong in any chair unless he’s paralyzed.”

In the interview, Mr. Earnhardt bemoaned the alleged racism of his fans.

Q: It seems NASCAR needs to appeal to a younger, more diverse audience to escape some of the redneck associations.

Earnhardt: Yeah. That’s basically what I’ve been thinking about all day . . .

Q: Is racism still a factor within NASCAR?

Earnhardt: It’s still there. Ten years ago, it wasn’t really spoken. Now that NASCAR’s gotten so corporate, people are starting to ask questions.

Q: Speaking of racism, here’s another hot-button issue in the South: the Confederate flag. Thoughts?

Ludacris: It’s a no-no. They just need to get rid of it. Come with something new or just take that shit away. If they reissue it and put a big Malcolm up at the top of it, then we’re good.

Earnhardt: I feel the same way . . . anybody who is trying to show that flag is probably too ignorant to know what the hell he’s doing.

NASCAR prohibits the use of the Confederate flag in any advertisements, on cars, or on the uniforms of its employees, and discourages fans from waving the flags, though they invariably do it anyway. In 2005, Leslie Stahl interviewed NASCAR CEO Brian France on “60 Minutes,” and there is a summary of the conversation at CBS.com:

‘What are you doing to convince African Americans that this is not a good ole boy southern, Confederate-flag sport? Because that’s the image. And be honest about that,’ Stahl asked.

‘I think it’s a fading image,’ France said. ‘Well, look. I can’t — these are massive facilities. And I can’t tell people what flag to fly. I can tell you the flag we get behind. It’s the American flag.’

France would love to tell fans not to fly the Confederate flag if he could. ‘It’s not a flag I look at with anything favorable. That’s for sure.’

NASCAR, in cooperation with Dale Earnhardt Inc., spends over $4 million annually on its “Drive for Diversity” to “diversify NASCAR’s participant and audience base.” It is an affirmative action program to recruit, train, and promote women and minority drivers. “Diversity is NASCAR’s top corporate initiative,” says the company website. The push failed to find any successful minority drivers or get many blacks to show up at races. NASCAR even contributed $250,000 to Jesse Jackson’s Rainbow-Push coalition under the delusion that this would help it diversify. Fans were furious when they found out, and no more NASCAR money has gone to Jesse Jackson.

 

In a popular prank call circulating on the Internet, two disk jockeys pretend to be doing market research for NASCAR. They call up a fan from Mississippi and tell him that NASCAR and Dale Earnhardt Jr. plan to give his late father’s #3 car to a Kenyan driver named Lemonjello Smith who would be sponsored by a brand of African American hair products called Soul Glo. They also tell him that rappers Snoop Dogg and Queen Latifiah will open up the Daytona 500. The pranksters could just as well have been real NASCAR executives.

After they provoke the NASCAR fan he finally says: “It’s NASCAR, not NASCOON . . . Every time you try to have a good time, it turns into some politically correct s**t . . . Can’t white people have one f***ing god damn thing without a bunch of f***ing god damn niggers coming in and f***ing it up? The answer is no!”

This crude language probably sums up how most fans would feel if they knew what NASCAR’s executives were trying to do.

The Stupid Party

Perhaps the most implicitly white institution is the Republican Party. After 40 years in the wilderness following the New Deal, it started pushing the Southern Strategy in the mid-1960s. This was a self-conscience appeal to both Southern whites and Northern ethnics disillusioned by the Democrats’ support for forced integration and the counterculture. The results speak for themselves. After holding the presidency for only 8 of 36 years between 1932 and 1968, they held it for 24 of the next 36 years between 1968 and 2008 — losing only when the Democrats ran white southerners.

Now the GOP apologizes for its successes. In 2005, RNC chairman and George Bush campaign manager Ken Mehlman groveled before the NAACP: “By the ’70s and into the ’80s and ’90s, the Democratic Party solidified its gains in the African American community, and we Republicans did not effectively reach out. Some Republicans gave up on winning the African American vote, looking the other way or trying to benefit politically from racial polarization. I am here today as the Republican chairman to tell you we were wrong.”

Even when it was in power, the GOP never did anything to promote white interests, particularly on the critical issue of immigration. Lance Tarrance, a Republican strategist who helped conceive of the Southern Strategy, told the Republican National Committee in 2000, “For the last three decades, we’ve had a Southern Strategy. The next goal is to move to a Hispanic Strategy for the next three decades.”

The Hispanic Strategy is failing, of course, and had the Republicans curbed immigration when they had the chance, it would not be necessary. The America that was 88 percent white when Richard Nixon became president was only 66 percent white during the election of Barack Obama. If the country’s demographics had been the same as they had been in 1976, John McCain would have won in 2008 with his 55-percent share of the white vote.

Pandering did John McCain no good. He won the same percentage of the black vote as David Duke did when he ran for governor of Louisiana. The GOP responded by making African-American Michael Steele — black and pro-affirmative action — their new chairman. He promptly told the Washington Times he wanted to give the party a “hip hop” makeover.

The new RNC website, GOP.com, drips with self-humiliation. It prominently showcases 18 “GOP Heroes” — only five of whom are white men. They include Alabama judge Frank Mims Johnson, who probably did more to establish racial quotas and force integration on whites than any other man in the state. Dwight Eisenhower is included, but his service in the Second World War is ignored. So is his belief that “these [Southerners] are not bad people. All they are concerned about is to see that their sweet little girls are not required to sit alongside some big overgrown Negroes.” His entire career is reduced to the fact that he enforced the Brown decision — which he personally opposed. In fact, except for Ronald Reagan, every accomplishment of the five white male heroes is limited to their support for blacks.

 

Who are some of the black “GOP Heroes?” No-name Reconstruction politicians who were elected only because the South was under occupation are portrayed as great statesmen. Self-described independent Jackie Robinson, who compared Goldwater supporters to Nazis is listed as a “Republican” hero.

GOP.com gives a time line of Republican accomplishments. Of the 28 up until 1968, only five do not involve the party’s supposedly progressive record on race and feminism.

Despite this fawning, Mr. Obama’s approval ratings among blacks are still above 90 percent while his support among whites is plummeting. This is in large part due to the racially tinged Van Jones and Henry Gates scandals. Because of increased white opposition to Mr. Obama and low black turnout, Republicans made nice electoral gains in November. They didn’t deserve them.

Making the implicit explicit

Perhaps it is a genetic defect that keeps whites from making their implicit whiteness explicit. However, with proper leadership, these three institutions could make a huge difference. If a NASCAR driver put a Confederate flag on his car despite the ban, he would instantly become a favorite. If a country-music singer sang an anti-immigration song, it would be a hit. If the Republicans woke up to reality, it would be a revolution.

In the meantime, we need to stand up to institutions that depend on our support but promote an anti-white agenda. Country music fans should save their Dixie Chicks CDs and start burning — or at least stop buying — Brad Paisley albums.

The NAACP threatened to boycott NASCAR if the Confederate flag were not banned from the stands. An NAACP boycott of NASCAR would be like a Mormon boycott of Budweiser, but if NASCAR fans stopped going to races until drivers were allowed to put battle flags on their cars, that would make a difference.

And the GOP? They have to stop taking whites for granted. Never vote for a Republican who supports racial preferences and mass immigration. In the long term we have to think in terms of running for office ourselves, and giving whites a choice not an echo — but that is a subject for another article.

The New Racism Against White People

A voter may dislike a black, homosexual or female candidate, but it’s not likely that he would openly admit it. However, diversity-crazed leftist/progressive Democrats have openly condemned the physical characteristics of some of their 2020 presidential candidates.

Joe Biden and Bernie Sanders are leading the polls despite the fact that they have been condemned as old white men. While Pete Buttigieg is homosexual, something that pleases diversity crazies, he is also a white man, young and religious. With Kamala Harris’ departure from the race, the Democratic field has lost one of its persons of color. Another, Senator Cory Booker, stands at 2 percent in the polls; his days are numbered. That means the only Democratic candidates polling high are those condemned as old white people — two men and one woman, Elizabeth Warren.

 

LaTosha Brown, the co-founder of Black Voters Matter, said she was initially eager for Joe Biden to enter the race but now has second thoughts. Brown said: “I’m over white men running the country. I don’t know if him (sic) getting in changes the field. He has name recognition, but his strength is also his weakness.” Former presidential candidate Howard Dean lamented, “If we have two old white guys at the top of this ticket, we will lose.”

 
 

The newest entry into the presidential sweepstakes, Michael Bloomberg, had to apologize for what some see as his diversity insensitiveness namely that of calling fellow presidential candidate Cory Booker “well-spoken” in a TV interview. The New Jersey senator said he was “taken aback” by what he saw as Bloomberg’s racist “trope.”

 

Michael Moore gave us his racist warning: “Two-thirds of all white guys voted for Trump. That means anytime you see three white guys walking at you, down the street toward you, two of them voted for Trump. You need to move over to the other sidewalk because these are not good people that are walking toward you. You should be afraid of them.”

 

This is the new racism, much of it learned and taught at our nation’s colleges. George Orwell said, “Some ideas are so stupid that only intellectuals believe them.” The stupid ideas about inclusion and diversity originate with academics on college campuses. If their ideas didn’t infect the rest of society, they might be a source of entertainment. But these cancerous ideas have infected society. Statements such as “I’m over white men running the country,” or “If we have two old white guys at the top of this ticket, we will lose” are examples of that cancer.

 
 

Last year, Philip Carl Salzman wrote “The War Against White People” in Minding the Campus. He declared: “Anti-white hate is now mainstream American culture. Not just by racial extremists such as Black Lives Matter, for whom statements such as “all lives matter” or “blue lives matter” are racist. Our highest leaders sing the same song.”

When Barack Obama was campaigning for the presidency in 2008, he said of working-class white voters, “They get bitter, they cling to guns or religion or antipathy to people who aren’t like them or anti-immigrant sentiment or anti-trade sentiment as a way to explain their frustrations.” During the 2016 presidential campaign, candidate Hillary Clinton claimed that half of Donald Trump’s supporters were “a basket of deplorables” who were “racist, sexist, homophobic, xenophobic, Islamophobic — you name it.” Do you think Clinton was talking about Trump’s black, Asian and Hispanic supporters? No, she was talking about millions of Trump’s white supporters.

 

Then there’s Sarah Jeong, a member of The New York Times editorial board and graduate of the University of California, Berkeley, and Harvard Law School. She expressed publicly many anti-white opinions. Among them are: “The world could get by just fine with zero white people.” “Dumbass f—ing white people marking up the internet with their opinions like dogs pissing on fire hydrants.” It’s “kind of sick how much joy I get out of being cruel to old white men.” I guarantee you that The New York Times would have fired any employee making similar statements about black, Hispanic or homosexual people.

 

The bottom line is that the new racism, born in academia, is just as ugly as the old racism.

 

Williams is a professor of economics at George Mason University in Fairfax in Northern Virginia.

 
 

WATCH: How the left is normalizing VIOLENT anti-white racism

It’s all divide and conquer

Image source: video screenshot
 

This week on “Slightly Offens*ve,” BlazeTV host Elijah Schaffer took on the leftist mob and cancel culture to talk about the taboo subject of anti-white racism.

 

 

“I can get canceled just for talking about this because we live in a society where free speech no longer exists, especially online,” Elijah said. “But our culture isn’t just becoming pro-black, which is a good thing, it’s becoming anti-white. And this unfair racist bias is not okay, no matter what the left is trying to normalize.”

Watch the video below to hear Elijah break down the proof: (Content warning: Strong language)

 

 

 

Want more from Elijah Schaffer?

Subscribe to Elijah’s ‘Slightly Offens*ve’ channel on YouTube for FREE access to his man-on-the-street interviews, protest coverage and more craziness that happens everyday in the USA.

The Truth About Nelson Mandela Amid all the praise for the ‘Rainbow Nation’s’ former president, much has been left unsaid.

In December, the world honored Nelson Mandela as one of the greatest heroes of our time. More than 90 heads of state honored Mandela at his memorial service, one of the largest in history. U.S. President Barack Obama called him “the last great liberator of the 20th century.”

Yet amid all of this praise for a man who helped bring down the white government in South Africa, almost nobody mentioned the nightmare that is South Africa today: crippling poverty, a collapsed educational system, brutal attacks on white farmers, escalating sexual assaults on little girls, an aids epidemic, and on it goes.

Then there is Mandela himself. He was known for being a “political prisoner” for 27 years. But why was he in prison?

Before becoming South Africa’s post-apartheid president in 1994, Nelson Mandela headed up a terrorist organization that was responsible for thousands of deaths—most of it black-on-black crime. Mandela also had strong ties to communism, an ideology responsible for more death and destruction over the last century than any other political movement.

And yet, Mandela once said, “If there is a country that has committed unspeakable atrocities in the world, it is the United States of America. They don’t care for human beings.” This view did not stop many American leaders from comparing Mandela to Washington, Lincoln and Gandhi.

A more accurate comparison would be with Yasser Arafat, the former-terrorist-turned-statesman whom the West enthusiastically embraced. Mandela’s take on Arafat? “[O]ne of the outstanding freedom fighters of this generation, one who gave his entire life to the cause of the Palestinian people.”

Mandela once said, “Under a Communist Party government, South Africa will become a land of milk and honey. Political, economic and social rights will cease to be enjoyed by whites only. They will be shared equally by whites and non-whites. There will be enough land and houses for all. There will be no unemployment, starvation and disease. Workers will earn decent wages; transport will be cheap and education free.” This empty promise highlights another buried angle of the true Mandela: his failure as a president.

Truly, Mandela’s election in 1994 ushered in a new era that could have been much more violent at the start. He has been profusely praised for not seeking revenge on his jailers. Most have also praised him for the fact that he voluntarily chose to step down in 1999, which is very unusual in African nations.

But besides these noteworthy achievements, “people exhibit an extraordinary amnesia,” writes R. W. Johnson. “His presidential term started with the Shell House shootings, when [African National Congress] militants on the roof of the anc’s headquarters used AK-47s to gun down Inkatha marchers in the streets of Johannesburg. Mandela simply refused to hand over either the murderers or their weapons, and attempted to justify this wholesale murder. Then, early in his term, the government laid off all the country’s most experienced teachers, a blow from which the school system has never recovered” (National Interest, Dec. 10, 2013).

Before he stepped down, Mandela gave a radical speech implying there were vast conspiracies in place seeking to overthrow the government. This landmark speech paved the way for his successors to implement brutally repressive measures.

Today, South Africa is in shambles. It is far more violent than it was under apartheid. It hasn’t gotten better over the past two decades—it’s gotten much worse.

In 1980, there were 128,000 commercial farmers in South Africa. Today, there are 40,000. About 200 white farmers have been murdered every year since the end of apartheid in 1994. According to Genocide Watch, 3,000 white farmers have been killed by blacks. Many of these killings have been unbelievably gruesome: victims disemboweled or dragged to death behind vehicles, mothers raped in front of their children, babies boiled to death in hot water.

Twenty whites per day are murdered in South Africa—70,000 since 1994. That murder rate is more than 100 times worse than in London.

This is the true “legacy” that began with Nelson Mandela in 1994.

“If you’re shocked that you haven’t heard anything about this, don’t be,” Selwyn Duke wrote at American Thinker on December 16. “It’s even less politically correct to talk about the extermination of whites than that of Christians, who are currently persecuted in many Muslim lands. The SA police often aren’t interested in investigating crimes against whites (especially since they perpetrate some of them), and the Western media were only concerned about reporting on SA whites when they could be demonized.”

For more than two centuries, it was the English-speaking peoples—descendants of ancient Israel—who dominated much of the world because of the promises of prosperity and power that God made to Abraham. But beginning in the mid-20th century, after having fulfilled His promises, God started removing those blessings, and the world has turned upside down. This is why conditions in South Africa—and all over the world—have taken a dramatic turn for the worse. To read more about what the future holds for this disintegrating nation, read our booklet South Africa in Prophecy).

Land Reform and Farm Murders in South Africa: The Untold Story of the Boers and the ANC

South African farm murders have long been a niche cause on the Internet, and the country has made headlines again due to a South African government plan to seize the land of white farmers under the guise of “South African land reform.”

News of these farm murders and land seizures have gained steam with the release of Lauren Southern’s documentary Farmlands. And United States President Donald Trump has brought even more attention to the plight of Afrikaners with his tweet that he would be looking into the South African land and farm seizure.

Most people don’t know much about the history of South Africa beyond the simplistic propaganda of the 1980s – white South Africans bad, ANC good. The history and current situation of South Africa, however, is much more complex.

Defining Terms: Who Are the Key Players?

Before going any further, terms should be defined and the key players identified:

  • ANC: The African National Congress, the leading party in South Africa since the end of apartheid.
  • Afrikaners: Dutch-, German- and French Huguenot-descended white South Africans who primarily speak a language called Afrikaans.
  • Bantu: A group of black South Africans including the Xhosa (of which Nelson Mandela was a member) who originally lived in the northeast of the country.
  • Boers: A subset of Afrikaners who still lead a rural and agricultural existence.
  • Democratic Alliance: Currently the second-largest party in the South African parliament, the Democratic Alliance is a broad-based centrist party that is comparatively economically liberal for South Africa. It enjoys broad, multiracial support, though it is most popular among all racial minorities – white, Coloured and Indian. Its black supporters are often derided as “clever blacks” by ANC supporters.
  • EFF: The Economic Freedom Fighters, a far-left political party in South Africa that has pushed the South African government to seize land from white farmers. Sometimes derisively called “Everything for Free,” the EFF is the third-largest party in South Africa, but is poised to become the second.
  • Khoisan: A popular name for the original inhabitants of most of the territory now known as South Africa. This is not an ethnic designation, but a linguistic one. These are who the Dutch settlers first encountered.

A Brief History of South Africa: From Early Settlement to the Boer War

To understand the current situation in South Africa, it is important to first understand the country before, during and after apartheid.

South Africa’s modern history begins with the Dutch East India Company, which established trading posts for sailors along the coast. Dutchmen soon started settling the area, with little, if any, conflict with the native Khoisan population. Dutch settlers, however, quickly came into conflict with the Dutch East India Company’s authoritarian rule.

Freedom-seeking Dutch settlers moved north starting in the 17th Century. In 1852, Boers founded the South African Republic (known as the “Transvaal Republic”) and then the Orange Free State in 1854. These are called “Boer Republics” and they, in turn, came into conflict with both southward-expanding Bantu tribes (most notably the Zulu, who were in the process of conquering other nearby Bantu tribes) and the British Empire.

White South Africans” are typically treated as a monolith, but there are two main, distinct groups: The Afrikaans-speaking Afrikaners and the English-speaking British. Indeed, there were intense hostilities between these two groups, especially after the Second Boer War when the Boer Republics were reforged as British colonies.

Telling the Afrikaners to “go home” is a nonsensical statement. They are not Dutch. They do not hold Dutch passports, nor would they at any point have been welcomed back by the Kingdom of the Netherlands. In many regions of South Africa, the Afrikaners have been around longer than the Bantus and have a stronger claim on the land, having purchased it from Khoisans. On the other hand, traditionally Bantu land was conquered from other Bantu tribes or taken by the Bantus from the Khoisans.

A Brief History of South Africa: The Boer Wars

The Untold Story of South African Land Reform and Farm Murders

“The Boer Wars” refers to two wars between the Boer Republics and the British Empire, but mostly the second one. The first was a rout for the Boers and left the British Empire with egg on their face. They would not be embarrassed a second time.

The first concentration camps were built for Boers. Not just any Boers, but primarily the wives and children of Boer Commandos (irregular guerilla troops) fighting the British Empire. The strategy was simple: Lock up their women and children, and they will lose their will to fight.

It worked. Adding insult to injury, the most publicized photo of the concentration camps, a picture of seven-year-old Lizzie van Zyl nearly starved to death, was touted in the British press as evidence of parental neglect by the Boers. There was great international outcry against the British during the Boer War, but it never amounted to much.

Boer Republics were reconstituted as British colonies. In 1910, three British colonies were unified as the Union of South Africa. After World War I, South West Africa, today known as Namibia, was administered effectively as a fifth province of South Africa, but for obscure reasons never integrated. South Rhodesia voted on membership, nearly joining, but the argument that it would become “the Ulster of Africa” proved too powerful. The history of South Africa is largely that of a rebellious and unhappy British Dominion until 1948.

A Brief History of South Africa: Enter Apartheid

The Untold Story of South African Land Reform and Farm Murders

“Apartheid” is an Afrikaans word meaning “separateness.” It was a series of laws drafted beginning in 1948, after the success of the Afrikaner-heavy National Party in the national elections. There was a split in the party between those who favored apartheid as it happened versus those who favored complete separation, including parallel governance. The former won out in no small part due to a thirst for cheap black labor.

Most people know the basics of apartheid, but they are worth going over briefly here: South Africans were classified into one of four racial categories: white, black, Coloured (a non-pejorative term in South Africa, meaning roughly “mixed race”) and Asian or Indian. In 1949, mixed marriages were outlawed with cross-racial intercourse outlawed the following year. In 1953, amenities were segregated by law. Increasingly, the blacks of South Africa were segregated into townships and Bantustans, the latter being nominally independent “homelands” for Africans. This meant that as foreign nationals, in the eyes of the Union of South Africa, they were required to carry documentation to work in South Africa and needed to leave after they were done.

Coloureds, who had the vote, were slowly disenfranchised. Indians and other Asians were never allowed to vote.

Between the end of World War II and the declaration of a republic in 1961, internal politics were dominated by the division between conservative republican Afrikaners and liberal monarchist British whites. Apartheid enjoyed greater support among Afrikaners and less among British South Africans. British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan’s “Wind of Change” speech increased support for apartheid among British South Africans because of a sense of abandonment by the homeland. Many were upset at being forced by the British government to choose between South African and British citizenship and passports.

Still, none of this amounted to what the National Party hoped to achieve – a cohesive and united white South African identity. Support for apartheid was always tepid among British South Africans.

It is certainly true that notions of racial superiority were a prime motivator for apartheid, but there was another factor in play: Communism. The Suppression of Communism Act was passed by the first apartheid government, banning any Communist organization. The Act took a broad view of what constituted “Communism.” However, given the infiltration of mass movements, particularly in the developing world at the beginning of the Cold War, this is perhaps less cynical than it is commonly made out to be. The Act was used to suppress the African National Congress, something we will talk about in detail later.

Finally, it’s worth mentioning that Afrikaner society is fundamentally and deeply conservative. Pornography and gambling were illegal in apartheid-era South Africa. Most businesses could not open on Sundays. Abortion, homosexuality and reproductive education were tightly regulated. There was no television until 1976, as this was believed to be immoral and a vehicle of Communism. English-language programming was seen as a threat to Afrikaans culture.

A Brief History of South Africa: The Rise of the ANC and Nelson Mandela

The Untold Story of South African Land Reform and Farm Murders

The Suppression of Communism Act was the instrument used to outlaw the African National Congress. While the ANC is typically thought of as a democratic-liberal organization, this is simply not true.

The ANC’s closest ally was the South African Communist Party. Indeed, Nelson Mandela, the face of anti-apartheid resistance, was not only a member of the SACP, he served on its Central Committee, something he denied for decades. The SACP has never to this day contested its own candidates in South Africa, instead fielding their people on ANC slates.

What’s more, the SACP partnered with the ANC in forming Umkhonto we Sizwe (“Spear of the Nation”), the paramilitary wing of the anti-apartheid movement.

The average person on the street likely thinks that Nelson Mandela was imprisoned simply for being black or opposing apartheid. In fact, he was imprisoned for a bombing campaign carried out by Umkhonto we Sizwe, of which he was the head. In fact, Nelson Mandela was convicted of 193 acts of terrorism. He was offered his freedom multiple times on the simple condition that he condemn terrorist attacks against the apartheid regime. He refused every time.

The ANC was not the only organization in South Africa opposed to apartheid. Many white South Africans saw the system as unsustainable. However, outside of South Africa, the situation was largely posed by the media as a question of “apartheid forever or the ANC.”

The ANC and its allies in the Communist Party and the trade union congress COSATU (known as the tripartite alliance) were not the only alternative to the ruling National Party and thus apartheid. The Progressive Federal Party was the main parliamentary opposition to apartheid, which, as the name implies, was in favor of a federated South Africa. The New Republic Party was likewise in favor of power sharing and oriented toward reconciliation with the Commonwealth.

The New Republic Party and the Progressive Federal Party were also bitter enemies. The New Republic Party was a conservative party denounced as racists by the Progressive Federal Party. The Progressive Federal Party was a liberal party derided by the NRP with the nickname “Packing for Perth,” due to the impression that their members were all emigrating to Australia. Two-thirds of South African whites supported some sort of federalism or power sharing, but moderate elements never received any international support.

Nor was the ANC the sole representative of South African blacks. Zulu nationalists, currently represented by the Inkatha Freedom Party, were often bitter enemies of the ANC by the 1980s. Many black South Africans served in the police force and other aspects of the government, leading to the rise of a barbaric form of retribution known as “necklacing.” This is filling a tire with gasoline, hanging it around the neck of a suspected collaborator or political opponent, and lighting the tire on fire. Death can take several hours.

Winnie Mandela, then-wife of Nelson Mandela, declared that “With our boxes of matches, and our necklaces, we shall liberate this country.” This caused the ANC to create some distance between itself and her, but ultimately she was given further positions in the movement and the ANC government.

A Brief History of South Africa: The ANC in the Saddle

The Untold Story of South African Land Reform and Farm Murders

In 1994, the African National Congress took power in South Africa. At this time, its paramilitary organization was integrated into the country’s regular defense forces. Convicted bomber Robert McBride, praised by no less than IRA terrorist Martin McGuinness, is the Executive Director of the Independent Police Investigative Directorate. Touted as the “Rainbow Nation,” the fall of apartheid in South Africa was part of an overall feeling of optimism throughout the world surrounding the Fall of Communism.

However, not everything was roses in the new Republic of South Africa. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission was an attempt to lay bare the crimes of the apartheid regime. The tribunal, which did not dispense with sentences, but merely sought to find the truth, has been criticized for not dispensing any justice. Neither former National Party government members nor ANC partisans were punished by the Commission.

The elephant in the room at all times was an overwhelming increase in the crime rate. The term “rape gate” entered popular parlance as South Africans installed panic room doors on their bedrooms. Crime is the main reason for emigration from South Africa. The 2013 murder rate was seven times that of the United States, the 11th highest in the world. Between 2005 and 2015, over 200,000 South Africans were murdered – this in a country of about 50 million. There were over 17,000 murders in 2013 alone. Compare this to just over 14,000 in the United States during the same year, despite the fact that South Africa’s population is approximately equivalent to two states – California and Texas.

This is only the official murder rate. Many suspect that the rate is higher, due to a disengagement from formal policing and a reliance upon private security firms. Quality of public services has likewise deteriorated, with rolling blackouts being the norm in South Africa.

The ANC presides over what is potentially the largest welfare state in the world, according to economist Mike Schussler in 2010. Six percent (3.3 million South Africans) of the population pays 99 percent of the taxes, while 31 percent (16.4 million) receive social grants. This means there are five South Africans receiving welfare for every one paying taxes. 71 percent of South African children live in houses where no adult is employed.

South Africa has a sweeping affirmative action quota program. Employee demographics must, under the South African Employment Equity Act, represent the racial demographics of South Africa as a whole. This means that, for example, the national power company was pressured to fire a number of skilled white engineers, while the country was going through rolling blackouts. The country currently has a labor shortage of approximately 800,000 skilled workers.

The affirmative action program has not lead to a significant increase in the number of skilled black technical workers. In 1994, 15 percent of black South Africans held skilled technical positions. In 2014, this percentage had increased to 18. Meanwhile, between 1992 and 1997, the number of skilled technical degrees dropped by 13 percent while the number of degrees in public administration and social services skyrocketed by 199 percent.

Finally, the specter of corruption has hung over the ANC regime. Scandals surrounding the ANC government have included bribery in arms deals, the abolition of a task force dedicated to organized crime and corruption, sexual misconduct including criminal charges, and using government and civil organizations to fight its political opponents, particularly those in the Democratic Alliance.

What Are the South African Farm Murders?

The Untold Story of South African Land Reform and Farm Murders

It is currently twice as dangerous to be a South African farmer than a South African police officer. The murder rate among South African farmers is three times that of the standard murder rate in South Africa, which is already one of the highest in the world.

The government claims the motives for the farm attacks are robbery. However, this does not pass muster. Farm attacks frequently include raping the female members of the household – including young children – while forcing the male members of the household to watch. The victims are often then tortured to death in front of each other. Farmers claim police response to these attacks is sluggish at best and nonexistent at worse. The government stopped collecting statistics about farm murders in 2008.

What’s more, the attacks on white farmers in South Africa tend to have pitched levels of brutality about them. Without getting too lost in the weeds of the grizzly details, it’s worth mentioning some of the more grotesque attacks on farmers at least in passing:

  • In 2012, a 12-year-old boy was drowned in boiling water after watching both his parents murdered and his mother raped.
  • A 56-year-old grandmother was gang raped during a robbery netting approximately $2,000.
  • Five men sexually assaulted a woman in front of her 5-year-old son over the course of an hour and a half.
  • Over the course of six hours, a woman was tortured by having her skin cut off, raped and had her feet power drilled.
  • A 66-year-old man was beaten to death in front of his wife. She escaped being gang raped by saying that she had HIV.
  • Bedridden Alice Lotter, 76, and her daughter Helen, 57 were tortured to death over several hours, including by being stabbed in the genitals with a broken glass bottle. One had one of her breasts removed while still alive. “Kill the Boer” was painted on the wall in their blood.
  • Knowledge Mandlazi went on a killing spree in 2014, murdering five whites and stating that “My hate for white people made me rob and kill.” He held up his middle finger to surviving victims in the courtroom.

Another common form of attack is the land invasion. In one example, 100 men began squatting land. The farmer did the sensible thing and left. Who could blame him in the kind of environment described above?

Far from being a “white nationalist conspiracy theory,” farm attacks have been reported on and denounced by Human Rights Watch and former Australian Prime Minister Tony Abbot. Afriforum, a wing of Christian trade union Solidarity, likewise reports on farm attacks regularly.

What Is Behind the South African Farm Attacks?

The Untold Story of South African Land Reform and Farm Murders

Anti-white racism is a popular current in mainstream South African politics. The song “Kill the Farmer, Kill the Boer” is still publicly sung, despite this being declared a hate crime. The traditional means of protecting rural South Africans, the commando units, were disbanded in 2003, leaving many South African farmers with no protection.

Anti-white rhetoric in South Africa is very real and very mainstream. Here are a few examples:

Compare this with the woman sentenced to three years in prison for calling someone a “kaffir.” It’s not surprising that some South Africans have begun getting trained by Israeli commandos to protect themselves and their property.

What Are the Farm Seizures?

The Untold Story of South African Land Reform and Farm Murders

The South African Constitution has recently been amended to allow for Soviet-style expropriations of farms without compensation. Zulu lands are specifically exempted.

This is a bit nonsensical for two reasons. Many white South Africans have been in South Africa longer than most Americans have been in America. Second, the dominant black ethnic group, the Bantus, doesn’t have a strong claim to most of the land in South Africa – the Khoisans would, but they sold it to the Boers or had it conquered by the British. This is as if the U.S. government started seizing land from white families in upstate New York traditionally belonging to the Iroquois and giving it out to the Cherokee.

Still, despite the fact that farm seizures are precisely the means by which Zimbabwe ended up in such a failed state, there seems to be no stopping farm seizures in South Africa. Perhaps worst of all, there are rumors that South Africa’s banks intend to collect mortgage payments even after properties have been confiscated.

In the final analysis, the farm seizures in South Africa aren’t just about dispossessing an unpopular, market dominant racial minority – though that would be disturbing enough. It’s also a threat to South Africa’s incredibly fragile democracy. The ANC is a dominant party with little chance of losing elections and thus, little reason to behave accountably. Add to this the lack of a broad-based middle class with a vested interest in strong property rights, and you have a recipe for kleptocracy and starvation.

The truth about South Africa's 'white genocide'

What is really going on in South Africa? I’ve seen slick documentaries claiming that there’s a white genocide in progress, I’ve heard activists from South Africa talking on cable news, I’ve heard some horrible, horrible stories. Apparently, these stories have even trickled down to the White House. On Wednesday, President Trump tweeted that he was directing the Secretary of State to look into:

South Africa land and farm seizures and expropriations and the large scale killing of farmers.

Now, there’s absolutely no question that white farmers have been victims of some horrifically violent attacks. Please look up some of these stories. They’re awful. But are these attacks part of a white genocide, because that’s what many alt-right and white supremacist groups have claimed. And the sad reality is that, when they began talking about this, it made most of the mainstream media stay away from it. Traditional media sources stayed quiet. Meanwhile, farmers kept getting killed, and the South African government continued their spiral down the Marxist abyss. Their government is set to modify their constitution, making it legal to seize farms without compensation.

RELATED: South Africa officially takes the first steps towards something very bad

But is this all part of a white genocide? In this day and age it is absolutely crucial for us to look at every story, headline, and narrative with a dose of healthy skepticism. Do your own homework. Check multiple sources. Check and recheck. Don’t take anyone’s word for it.

And the problem I’ve had when checking out this story is that most people who fall on the side of “this is white genocide” are only getting their information from one source. They always quote or reference a group called Afriforum. Any time a vast majority are all getting their information from one source, that should set off a few warning signals.

Any time a vast majority are all getting their information from one source, that should set off a few warning signals.

Their information indeed shows a steady increase in farm attacks and murders since 2013. They lean heavily towards the line of “whites are being specifically targeted.” Now if you’re in the alt-right, alt-light or even a white supremacist – and you read that study – what’s the first narrative you see?

White genocide.

What makes the case even stronger is the rise of Marxism and the calls for land redistribution.

Now let’s use this story as sort of a model in this era of potential fake news. No matter what story we’re looking at in the future, let’s approach it in a similar fashion. First and foremost, we need to acknowledge the findings of Afriforum – the source everyone is quoting – and recognize that they have legitimate concerns they’re advocating for.

We can’t ignore what they’re saying. That’s what the majority of the mainstream news has done over the past two or so years, and that hasn’t helped anything. So we acknowledge the information, but we also check multiple different sources.

If you compare Afriforum stats with the official South African Police numbers, you’ll find that they’re pretty comparable. If you add in the numbers from the South Africa agriculture union, you’ll also find pretty much the same thing. Farm attacks and murders over the past few years are rising. But if you look at the numbers going all the way back to 1996, you’ll see that the current swing upwards is pretty typical.

In 1996 there were 433 attacks on South African farms. But by 2001 that number had skyrocketed to 1,069. The numbers were cut in half by 2005, rose back up to near 800 in 2007, and it’s back and forth up and down until the current swing up over the past few years. The calls for white genocide began over the past couple years. In 2016/2017 there were 638 farm attacks and 74 murders. But in 2001 there were over 1,000 and 140 murders. It was literally twice as bad as it is today, but no one was saying white genocide back then.

South Africa stopped recording motive for farm attacks after 2001, so we really don’t have any concrete current information for why this is happening today. But in 2001, when these attacks were at their worst, the vast majority were determined to be robberies. Only 15 were found to be racially or politically motivated.

Only 15 were found to be racially or politically motivated.

A closer look at South Africa, as a whole, shows it’s crime rate is spiraling out of control. They have the worst crime rate in all of Africa. Six of the top ten most dangerous cities in Africa are all in South Africa. Fifty-five people are murdered every day. 18,000 attempted murders were recorded last year alone. 40,000 rapes were reported. On average, there are 430 assault cases every day. This is a country under siege by crime.

Now, do I think that some of the farm attacks over the past few years could have been racially or politically motivated? Of course! We saw that from the numbers back in 2001. But the vast majority simply aren’t.

Ignoring this story has enabled two things. First, it’s helped a fringe group take a real issue – violent attacks on farmers and the seizing of their land – and turn it into a story that fits their narrative. Second, it’s enabled a group of Marxists to successfully use populism to convince their people that seizing property and the redistribution of land will do anything but spell disaster.

This is a country under siege by crime.

The facts don’t support the narrative of a white genocide. They just don’t. But that doesn’t mean that atrocities aren’t happening on these farms and that at least some of them are very likely racially motivated. But this trend is the same as it’s been for nearly 20 years.

The difference now is that you have to add in the fact that Marxists are overrunning the country. You don’t have to be alt-right or alt-light to recognize and be concerned about a Marxist government confiscating people’s land and property. Credit President Trump for putting a spotlight on it. There’s still time for South Africa to reverse its course. But if it doesn’t, that’s when things could get really bad.

National Justice Exclusive: Leaked Images From Paypal Seminar Reveals Explicit Racial Bias Against White Customers

Paypal is a prominent example of monopoly capital. Like most Silicon Valley tech firms, they like to keep their terms of service as opaque as possible. 

Even more shrouded in secrecy is how decisions to discriminate against customers are made, and who makes them. 

Leaks provided to National Justice from a private Paypal seminar give us some clues.  

In the above slide, Paypal lists targets for censorship. Some noteworthy categories are “White Advocacy,” something vaguely described as “Hate Event Involvement” (suggesting they target individuals, not actions on their platform), “Prejudiced News/Commentary,” Holocaust “denial,” and even views critical of mass immigration. 

The majority of Americans are guilty of at least one of these thought-crimes, which makes one wonder who can even use this service.

Some categories discriminate against customers based on race (“white advocacy”), while gray areas abound regarding what exactly constitutes prejudiced news, hate or religious intolerance. 

So then what entity decides who gets access to online money transfers and who doesn’t?

According to another slide, this work is deferred to the Jewish organization the Anti-Defamation League, a group funded by the Democracy Alliance called Color of Change, the FBI’s Civil Rights Division, Scotland Yard and others.

Government and non-governmental organizations are both presented as “external partners” helping make decisions on what political views and personalities are allowed. 

The ADL and the FBI have been very aggressively deplatforming dissidents.

According to another training slide,1800 accounts belonging to individuals, non-profits and businesses in the last year have been eliminated for political reasons using guidelines provided by their “partners.”  

65% were for what they categorize as white nationalist activity, while the next most censored group is people and organizations who advocate for immigration restrictions. A person cannot support Donald Trump’s winning issue from his 2016 campaign and still keep their Paypal, in other words. There is even a category for “prejudiced academic work.” 

The company goes on to give specific examples to train censors in spotting ideas and individuals that must be silenced. 

Most of the individuals and groups mentioned are not particularly radical, much less violent or dangerous. 

The Proud Boys, Stefan Molyneux, Gemma O’Doherty, and Katie Hopkins all have fairly mainstream conservative political views, showing just how little freedom of expression is allowed in America today. 

The only left-wing extremist on this list is Matthew Rupert, who also happens to be the only one who engaged in illegal activity. Rupert is an anarchist criminal who went to a Black Lives Matter protest and handed out explosives for people to use in terrorist acts

The way everyone except for Rupert is characterized on this chart shows the power of extremely prejudiced sources, like the Anti-Defamation League. The ADL is an espionage and influence organization that operates on behalf of the state of Israel. 

The president and CEO of Paypal, Dan Schulman, is himself Jewish and eager to work with the ADL.

China and the Chinese Communist Party — who conservatives sometimes like to blame for the censorship — is not mentioned anywhere on these slides. 

Trump’s executive order on tech censorship has had no effect whatsoever even as a deterrent. Silicon Valley and various Jewish groups have responded to it by doubling down and intensifying their attempts to control what we can see, say, read and do. 

Immigrant Descended Rappers Openly Declare War Against Whites

he situation for Euro-Canadians is dire. We have a hostile government that is determined to replace us. Our institutions have been conquered by our enemies. And, every year our deaths outpace our births and foreign intruders continue to flood into our country.

A lot of people will say “well, who cares. This isn’t really even our country. It belongs to the aboriginals”. And my answer is: “we’re losing our ancestral homelands as well.”

I’ve spent the last couple of years reading books about the immigration disaster in Europe and the new world. The image below includes some of my favorites. I included one about the collapse of Rhodesia because the author’s central thesis is that Rhodesia was not lost because of war, but because of birth rates. The settler elite simply did not have demographics on their side. So, just as with the Mau Mau of Kenya, the white man was eventually pushed out of Rhodesia.

But, reading books wasn’t enough. I wanted to see first hand examples of the immigration nightmare.

So, I started watching music videos made by immigrant descended youths in Europe. The results of my research and some of my thoughts are shared in this essay. I hope this will give a little bit of insight into what we as Europeans are dealing with on a global level.

England and Baltimore

The first music video linked below is Pa Saliu. He’s Gambian-Brit but from the way he talks you can tell that he has picked up Jamaican (or what they call in the UK “Yardie”) slang. In the video he is wearing a tracksuit, walking a menacing looking pitbull, and talking about robbing “bandos”. Bando is an African-American term that means an abandoned house. Often after the commission of a burglary a home will be burned. If the building stays empty it becomes a “bando” (meaning abandoned house) and becomes a place for clandestine drug distribution. He makes a living robbing those drug houses.

The American youtuber Charliebo313 makes very good drive through videos of American slums. You can see from the video below the number of abandoned tenements. Those are the “bandos” that rappers in North America and now Europe talk about in their music and they fill an important role in the illicit drug economy. The video below is from Baltimore during the COVID quarantine. On both sides of the street you can see boarded up buildings. Those are “bandos”. 

 

Near the end of the video you can see masked men on unlicensed dirtbikes and ATVs. This is something that you will see in music videos by immigrant descended youths in Europe. This shows a broad consolidation of African-American culture and the culture of the immigrant descended youth in Europe.

Baltimore is looking pretty rough. It is a city that has gone through the full demographic and cultural replacement. The people that built the city are gone and what is left is an underclass culture of welfare dependence, gangsterism, and “bandos”.

The image below is of Baltimore before “multiculturalism”. White youngsters are seen polishing the marble steps of their tenement houses before church on Sunday, which was the culture of the day.

 
 
 

Netherlands

 
The next music video is of the “Dutch”-British rapper Dutchavelli. His parents immigrated to the Netherlands from Jamaica before moving to the UK. Since he was born in the Netherlands he is known as “Dutch” and that explains the Dutch part of his name. The rest of his name I am assuming is a play on the word “Machiavelli” – which seems to be a popular name among black rappers. One of Tupac’s nicknames was Machiavelli.

 

What’s interesting about Dutchavelli is that he talks about running “county-lines”. County-lines are mobile drug distribution networks that target rural areas.

The first rapper that I linked above; Pa Saliu – the Gambian, talks about robbing drug dealers. It’s guys like him that are making UK cities less safe to ply the drug trade. So, the dealers are pushing further out into the countryside to prey on whites that are fleeing cities and avoid predation from other criminal immigrant descended youths.

One of the interesting scenes in the music video is where he fist bumps his Hassidic-Jew record producer. This is one real world example of the Jew-POC alliance against white western civilization.

One of the other interesting things about the music of guys like Dutchavelli is that they talk about their hatred of “pagans”. This makes one assume that he is Muslim. It is likely that he became a Muslim while growing up in the UK and was not born Muslim, because Jamaica has a very small Muslim population.

This means that stories that you hear about immigrant descended criminals in Europe being turned into Muslims in prison are true.

The drug dealing, the criminality, and the hatred of “pagans” – meaning idolators – which I am assuming means “Christians” or “Native non-Muslim Brits” is just some of the ways that the immigrant descended population in Europe expresss their hostility toward the native population that were foolish enough to take them in.

Albanians in Britain

The next music video is by a group of Albanian youths in Britain that call themselves “Hellbanianz”. Albanians are well known in the UK (especially London) for being deeply criminal and are involved in all sorts of drug trafficking, human trafficking, and fraud.

I can’t speak Albanian but the music video mostly speaks for itself. One of the interesting things is that at the 2:27 mark you can see them posing on an ATV. ATVs on city streets are a common motif in the African-American criminal underclass. So, you’ve got a group of people that are Albanian, they identify as Albanian, they speak Albanian, and the rest of their culture is imported from the lawless African-American underclass.

One of the few things that I can understand is that they seem to call each other “shippas”. “My Shippas” is something that you hear repeated throughout the song. “Shippa”, I think, comes from the word “shqiptar” – which is the Albanian word for the Albanian people. In the same way that the African-American criminal underclass calls each other “niggas”, the Albanian criminal underclass in the UK call themselves “shippas”.

Sweeden

A lot of people have heard about the nightmare in Sweden dealing with their immigrant descended population. I think almost anyone that is clued into the immigration topic has heard about the nightmare in Sweden: gun crime, grenade attacks, arson, terrorism, and a rape crisis that has put Sweden at the top of all sexual assault statistics.

Pelle Neroth Taylor’s book “Dying to be Multicultural” is a good summary of the situation in Sweden but I’ve gathered some clips together that gives a visual summary of Sweden’s immigration nightmare.

This next clip is called “Stockholm city” by the Swedish rapper Sinan. I don’t speak Swedish but from what I can tell there is a crowd of immigrants, they are all waving the flags of their home countries, posing with middle eastern style scarves pulled up over their faces, and the “artist” is rapping and posing with an AK-47.

The next clip is of the Swedish rappers Blacky and Ambessa. In the video you can see them waving a congolese flag, posing menacingly with knives and an AK 47, and counting out cash.

The song is called “no face no case” which speaks for itself. They’re saying that if you wear a mask you won’t “catch a case” – meaning you won’t be criminally prosecuted if you hide your identity during the commission of a crime.

The video is filmed in the parkade of an apartment building. Imagine what it is like for the Swedes that are stuck in a building like that and when they walk down to the parkade they see a group of masked, menacing, foreign descended men posing with weapons and blasting rap music.

Sadly, this is what multiculturalism looks like up close.

The next video is from Araby, which is a neighborhood in Vaxjo – which is in small town Sweden. Through the video you can see men with crowbars breaking into a building, car burning, footage of youths throwing flares at police, footage of a man doing a drive by shooting that is filmed inside the car, people shooting fireworks at police, drugs, men waving foreign flags, and people riding around on unlicensed ATVs and dirtbikes.

The next one is a fairly typical Swedish rap video. There’s a short warning that it’s just a song and the police shouldn’t take it seriously, but it perfectly reflects the immigrant descended criminal culture in Sweden

You can see in the first scene after the disclaimer the re-enactment of a moped robbery.

France

Next I bring you to France. The first French video is called “Crapulerie”. The video starts with a bunch of masked men, posing with shotguns and (probably stolen) ATVs.

This video is more of the same – men waving foreign flags, posing with guns, and everyone is wearing black tracksuits.

 

One of the things that you’ll hear about in British media is talk of “moped gangs” where immigrant descended youths ride around on stolen mopeds and rob people of their phones, handbags, and backpacks. In this music video you can clearly see that they aren’t just riding around to get around but that the mopeds are being used in the commission of robberies.
This is the kind of music that incites people to do real world moped robberies.

The next clip is from the French rapper Secteur P. It’s pretty much what you expect: African youths in ski masks and tracksuits shooting guns in the air outside their apartment complex.

 

Germany

The next clip is from Germany. Most people know about the Turkish population that was brought into Germany after world war II to help rebuild the country after the allied bombing decimated the German population.

The video is called “Made in Turkey”.

 

In the video you can see muscular Turkish toughs hanging around with their dogs. At the 30 second mark one of the guys pulls a World War II era sten gun from his trunk.

I think the visuals mostly speak for themselves.

The next video is of the German-Jewish rapper GZUZ (Kristoffer Klaus – Klaus being the yiddish word for a “small synagogue”) and his rap group 187 Strassenbande. His group seems to be mostly German Jews and immigrant descended youth showing off about drug dealing, pimping women, flashing guns and cash, etc.

The member BonezMC (born Johann Lorenz Moser) seems to be a native German gentile (based on facial features and surname), making him an example of a native European that has been pulled into the predominantly immigrant descended criminal subculture.

So, I guess they’re not all foreigners.

Conclusion

In sum, I wanted to share some of the research that I have done into the music of the mostly immigrant descended criminal underclass in Europe. This is the kind of footage that people need to see because it cannot be denied. This is not stuff that is just a racist fantasy, but is being produced by the immigrants themselves for their own enjoyment. I think it’s important to do this kind of research because it helps us to understand the risk that mass immigration poses to Europe and European diaspora communities. Contrary to what the propaganda will tell you, lots of newcomers to our countries are deeply hostile and come with the mentality of looters. That’s a fact that we can ignore or deny at our own peril.

The Crisis Won’t Stop Until The Globalists Are Removed From Power

In the first week of February I published an article titled ‘The Lies We Are Being Told About The Coronavirus’. I focused primarily on the disinformation coming out of China, and for those with short memories, there was a flood of it being spread on various web forums by what I believe was an army of paid disinformation agents. The lies seemed to revolve around keeping the rest of the world passive to the potential threat by promoting a set of assumptions:

1) The disinfo suppressed the information on human-to-human spread and the level of infections, suggesting that the virus was not very transmissible or that it “only infects Asians” (anyone who actually believed this nonsense at the time was truly gullible).

2) The disinfo suppressed the actual number of deaths in China to minimize the response time of people in other countries. The assumption was “it’s nothing, why worry”. Well, as we now know, there is no way China has only suffered 4600 deaths. All the evidence leaked by health officials on the ground in China suggested a much higher number of deaths, but the disinfo was enough to keep many people from taking the threat seriously.

3) The disinfo hid the source of the virus, claiming it came from an animal/food market in Wuhan even though many of the initial patients infected by the coronavirus never had any contact with the market.  This was openly admitted by scientists within China as far back as January.  Remember the “bat soup” rumors?  All lies.  And perhaps not coincidentally, the only Level 4 Biohazard lab in Asia, which studies specifically in SARS-like viruses, is right down the road from that same market.

4) The disinformation was not only coming from China. The World Health Organization consistently tried to downplay the spread of the virus, refusing to call it a pandemic for months even though it fit all their criteria. They also lavished China with praise, taking all data the Chinese government reported as if it were verified fact and defended China against any and all detractors.

5) The level of disinformation coming from US government sources, the White House and social media companies was almost enough to match China’s lies. The US government and the WHO have been working closely with social media corporations to disrupt any analysis that runs contrary to the Chinese narrative as well as the WHO narrative.

While Donald Trump and the DoD are suddenly interested in the possibility that Covid-19 is a bioweapon (something that those of us in the alternative media tried to report months ago), at the end of January Trump was also offering China praise, saying that their data was accurate and everything was “under control”.

Dr. Anthony Fauci was in the media saying :

“This is not a major threat to the people of the United States and this is not something that the citizens of the United States should be worried about right now…”

Fauci would later go on to change his tune completely, calling for strict government controls of social behavior in order to stop the spread of the virus.

The CDC and the mainstream media actively attempted to obstruct any information that might suggest the coronavirus was made in a lab, even though in 2017 experts in bio-safety warned that the lab in Wuhan might eventually cause a dangerous virus to “escape” due to lax standards.  Slapped together studies based on a long list of assumptions (such as the false assumption that any bioweapon would be engineered to kill a maximum number of people) were designed to “debunk” the theory, but only served to raise more questions as people began to wonder why certain “experts” and journalists were so intent on dismissing the bioweapon issue so out of hand based.

6) In the meantime, the most egregious disinformation in the US centered on the economy. Trump’s economic adviser Larry Kudlow claimed on February 4th that the damage to the US economy from the virus would be ‘minimal’. With over 26 million people now added to the unemployment rolls, millions of small business owners desperate for bailout money, GDP in freefall, manufacturing in freefall and supply chains strained to the breaking point, I think it’s safe to say Larry Kudlow is either a complete moron or he was dutifully reading from a propaganda script that was given to him.

As I noted in February:

The US economy is interdependent with multiple nations and is tightly connected to China. The greatest danger of globalism in terms of economics is that it forces national economies into losing the redundancies that protect them from systemic collapse. When one major economy goes down, it brings down all other economies with it.

Not only that, but the US financial structure is precariously unstable anyway, with record levels of national debt, consumer debt, and corporate debt, not to mention steep declines in manufacturing and demand. The US sits atop one of the most massive economic bubbles of all time – The Everything Bubble, created by the Federal Reserve over ten years of stimulus measures, barely keeping the system alive in a state of zombification.

The bubble was always going to collapse. In fact, recent events in Fed repo markets suggest it was already collapsing. The coronavirus outbreak is a perfect cover event for this implosion…”

The downplaying of the economic danger in particular, the lies all over the web about N95 masks not working, the claims that buying food and supplies is “panic behavior” akin to hoarding, a few months ago everything seemed designed to convince the public to NOT prepare for this event. And it was not just China and the WHO behind it; it was also our own government, the White House and the mainstream media.

Now, there is still ample debate about how deadly Covid-19 really is. Is it really “no worse than the flu”? I have seen data that suggests that there are many more infected people than initially believed which would diminish the death rate. I have also seen data that suggests that deaths from the virus are being under-reported, just like they were in China.

I say it is foolish to rush to conclusions until the virus actually runs the same course and infects hundreds of millions of people as the flu does annually. I will also say that I have never heard of hospitals and morgues being overwhelmed by the flu in modern times like they have been overwhelmed by the coronavirus, but this debate is a distraction from the real issue – It DOES NOT MATTER how deadly the virus is, what matters is that the current government response is unacceptable regardless.

The false dichotomy being constructed right now is that you either believe the virus is a horrible killer plague and that martial law is necessary to stop it, or, you believe the entire pandemic is somehow “staged” and that the whole thing is a hoax, making martial law unnecessary.

The truth is more likely somewhere in-between. The virus is a moderate threat, it is most likely a chimera with SARS-like qualities, it is indeed killing many people but it is certainly not the Black Plague (a friend of mine just lost someone in their mid-40’s with no previous conditions; it is still smart to take precautions), and even if it was it would not matter because government tyranny and economic lockdown do not solve the problem, they only make the situation much worse.

Now that the Chinese propaganda campaign is falling apart as the data continues to contradict what they initially reported, I have to point out, as mentioned above, that China did not do all this alone. It had the help of the UN, the mainstream media, and yes, even the CDC and the White House. Without all these entities working together to suppress information on the threat and its source, the public would have had far more time to prepare. And most of all, if governments including our own had restricted travel from China a month sooner when it was clear that human-to-human transmission of the virus was a reality, then the pandemic may have never happened in the first place.

Yet, they did not. Why?

Why was the threat downplayed and ignored? Why was travel from China kept open for weeks after the pandemic began killing thousands? Why did everyone including Trump defend China initially, only to now accuse them of at the very least negligence, and at worst biowarfare?

I have a theory, of course. I outlined the problem in great detail in my article ‘How Viral Pandemic Serves The Globalist Agenda’, published in January. This article stemmed from another article I wrote in 2014 during the Ebola event which predicted everything that is now happening today. And, this month I published an analysis on open globalists admissions on how they plan to use the pandemic to promote the one-world cashless society and medical tyranny in my article ‘Waves Of Mutilation: Medical Tyranny And The Cashless Society’.

The narrative has shifted into blaming China for everything, and they are certainly guilty of many crimes, but they are only partly responsible for the disaster. China as a whole is not the prime beneficiary of the crisis. In fact, they are suffering from an economic collapse like most other nations. But, the globalists within China, the globalists within the WHO, the globalists within the US including those in Trump’s cabinet, all benefit greatly. And this is where many people simply can’t wrap their heads around the scenario.

They can accept the idea of a Chinese conspiracy, or a UN conspiracy, or even a Trump conspiracy, but the idea that there are elites within all these countries and the White House working together? Well that’s just “crazy”, right?

I’m sorry to say that this is the reality. The US and Canada poured millions of dollars into the experiments at the Wuhan lab and the funding was greenlit by none other than Dr. Anthony Fauci in 2015. Trump’s cabinet is stacked with global elites and people like Dr. Fauci that are intimately associated with the WHO. Fauci continues to defend the WHO. Trump initially praised the Chinese response in January. The WHO has been aggressively defending the Chinese handling of the outbreak and has thoroughly praised their response, which has included using tracking apps and QR codes to watch their citizens 24/7 and implement medical totalitarianism. This same medical totalitarianism was suggested during Event 201, the “simulation” of a coronavirus pandemic funded by the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation and the World Economic Forum which was held only TWO MONTHS before the real thing happened. This is the same medical totalitarianism that Bill Gates and others like MIT are promoting as a solution today.

The globalists have consistently called for a shift into a cashless society and a technocratic surveillance culture.  Is it not convenient that these are the solutions being consistently offered in the face of the pandemic?

If you examine the chain of events, the amount of give and take between China, the WHO, and other governments including the US government and the fact that the globalists are about to get everything they want from this catastrophe, I do not think it is outlandish to suggest that perhaps this virus was unleashed deliberately and that globalists in multiple nations are working together to achieve a specific outcome.

With the US blaming China and the Chinese blaming the US, the truth is being lost in the fog of propaganda. The truth is that BOTH sides and the WHO made this pandemic possible and that the elites on ALL sides have something to gain. The end game they desire is global governance, a one-world digital currency system, and a rationale for full-spectrum surveillance of the citizenry. The pandemic allows them to have all of this unless the people take action to fight back and disrupt their plans.

Some people will call this “wild speculation” or “conspiracy theory”, but these people are either ignorant of the facts. The evidence is substantial. I have outlined it over and over again in the past few months. Luckily, I do see a growing to counter the globalist script.  Hopefully, we have the time and tenacity to stop them from getting what they want.

Understand, however, that this crisis will not stop until the globalists are unseated.  The current “wave” of the virus is only the first.  Expect wave after wave of infections, and wave after wave of lockdowns by complicit government officials.  And when COVID-19 doesn’t scare people anymore, all the elites have to do is release ANOTHER virus with varied effects.  To stop the lockdowns and to stop the pandemic we have to stop the globalists.  We have to go to the root of the threat.

South Africa Vows to End Corruption. Are Its New Leaders Part of the Problem?

MIDDELPLAAS, South Africa — The little girl hated going to the bathroom at school. The pit toilets were so dark, dirty and crumbling. Many children were so afraid of them that they simply relieved themselves in the schoolyard to avoid the ordeal.

But as she played with her best friend during recess, the girl, Ziyanda Nkosi, a 6-year-old first grader, really had to go. She stepped warily inside the closet-like latrine.

Even with the gentle pressure of her tiny frame, the floor caved in. Ziyanda flailed wildly, clinging to the edges of the hole, frantically trying to keep herself from falling in and drowning in the fetid pool below.

“Mommy! Mommy!” she screamed, managing to hold on long enough for an older boy to run in and save her.

Hundreds of parents, enraged that their warnings about the dilapidated school had been ignored for years, burst into protest a couple of days later, upending their quiet rural town for two weeks last August. They burned tires, blocked roads and demanded justice from the provincial government led by David Mabuza, a former math teacher who had become one of the most powerful figures in the African National Congress and was positioning himself to become South Africa’s deputy president.

One of the party’s historic promises had been to provide a good education for black people, who had been deliberately denied the opportunity under apartheid. A.N.C. leaders like Nelson Mandela often spoke about freeing black South Africans through school, and Mr. Mabuza, whose first big post in the province was education minister, got his political start by promising just that.

David Mabuza, congratulated Cyril Ramaphosa, now South Africa’s president, on being named leader of the African National Congress in Johannesburg last December.Credit...Joao Silva/The New York Times But under the A.N.C., the education system has been in shambles, so gutted by corruption that even party officials are dismayed at how little students are learning, in schools so decrepit that children have plunged to their deaths in pit toilets.

The rage in Ziyanda’s town grew so intense that protesters hurled stones at a local A.N.C. leader, who narrowly escaped by whipping out his handgun and shooting randomly into the crowd, wounding two children and roiling the community all the more.

Mr. Mabuza never came to the school or met with the parents — and for good reason, local officials contend. The dangerous conditions were a clear reflection of his control over the province, where millions of dollars for education have disappeared into a vortex of suspicious spending, shoddy public construction and brazen corruption to fuel his political ambitions, according to government records and officials in his party.

But the uprising and allegations against Mr. Mabuza did not crimp his political rise. To the contrary, only a few months later, as the A.N.C. tried to quash national outrage over misrule by its leaders, Mr. Mabuza scored his biggest triumph by far. He was picked to become second-in-command of the entire A.N.C., launching him into an even more prominent post — as South Africa’s deputy president, second only to the nation’s leader.

Mr. Mabuza may seem an odd choice, especially at a time when the A.N.C. is desperate to purge its reputation for graft and restore its image as the rightful heir to Mr. Mandela’s legacy. After all, Mr. Mabuza’s rural province, Mpumalanga, is fairly small, has little economic clout and is widely regarded as one of the country’s most corrupt.

But that is the vexing secret behind Mr. Mabuza’s spectacular climb, current and former A.N.C. officials say: He siphoned off money from schools and other public services to buy loyalty and amass enormous power, making him impossible to ignore on the national stage and putting him in position to shape South Africa for years to come.

“He didn’t become what he is now because of his political capability,” said Fish Mahlalela, a senior A.N.C. figure in the province and a national lawmaker.

“No, no, it was out of money and the manipulation,” he added. “Nothing else.”


Fish Mahlalela, a senior provincial A.N.C. figure, said of Mr. Mabuza, “He didn’t become what he is now because of his political capability.”

Perhaps more than any other member of South Africa’s new government, Mr. Mabuza undercuts the promise of a “new dawn” in the country after the removal of President Jacob Zuma this year.

Besieged by scandals that have hacked away at the A.N.C.’s legitimacy and electoral prospects, the party installed a new president, Cyril Ramaphosa, in February. From the start, he pledged to root out corruption and finally deliver on the promise of a just South Africa for all of its citizens.

But to seal his new post, Mr. Ramaphosa first had to secure the backing of Mr. Mabuza, 57, who built such a formidable political machine that he became kingmaker in the back-room negotiations to choose South Africa’s new president. After campaigning for a rival, Mr. Mabuza abruptly switched sides and joined forces with Mr. Ramaphosa, helping the two emerge from a pivotal party conference last December as the country’s undisputed leaders.

Then, to the surprise of many in his province, Mr. Mabuza gave a speech just weeks after being sworn in as deputy president this year, lamenting the poor state of the schools and the “tragedies that take away the innocence of our children.”

He spoke movingly of a kindergartner electrocuted at school. Of a toddler who drowned after falling into a broken pit latrine. And of a 5-year-old boy whose body was discovered by his mother at the bottom of another dilapidated pit, his hand sticking out of a pool of feces.

Such deplorable conditions were all too common, he noted, symbolizing the failure to provide black South Africans with a decent chance at life.

“Where is our care?” Mr. Mabuza said in the speech. “What has gone wrong with our nation?”

Yet under Mr. Mabuza’s leadership, millions of dollars for schools in his province have been misspent year after year, according to the national government. His province routinely spent less on poor students than required, and school construction projects have been riddled with inflated costs, government records show.

Nearly a quarter of the primary schools in Mr. Mabuza’s province still have only dilapidated pit toilets, despite ample government funds to fix them. And during his tenure, his province was caught fabricating the passing rates on the annual national exam, enabling him to claim big leaps forward that never happened.

The schools Mr. Mabuza did champion provided an easy way to funnel large amounts of money into politics, according to A.N.C. officials, high-ranking defectors and anti-corruption groups. He pushed to build big boarding schools whose costs tripled, for unexplained reasons, to $30 million each, alarming education experts. Some construction was so shoddy that roofs sprouted leaks soon after being finished, toilets barely worked, students lacked water, retaining walls collapsed and dormitories were missing doors, according to a provincial report.

Over the years, Mr. Mabuza’s province also became known as one of South Africa’s most dangerous. Nearly 20 politicians, most from inside the A.N.C., were assassinated in the past two decades, some after exposing graft in public works projects.

All the while, Mr. Mabuza’s political career flourished. He attracted legions of new A.N.C. members with government contracts, cash handouts and even KFC meals, according to current and former party officials.

His sweeping recruitment drive turned his relatively insignificant province into the A.N.C.’s second-biggest voting bloc. Under the party’s delegate system, his territory became more influential than even Gauteng, the province that includes Johannesburg and Pretoria, with a population three times the size and an economy nearly five times as big.

Now, critics contend, Mr. Mabuza’s role as the second-most powerful politician in the country casts doubt on the legitimacy of the new government and its bold assertions that the A.N.C. is turning the page on corruption.

Under the A.N.C., Mr. Mandela’s once heralded liberation movement, tens of billions of dollars meant to lift poor black South Africans have been stolen by party leaders. Strong institutions like the tax agency have been hollowed out by party officials bent on shielding their illicit activities.

But the nation’s poor schools are perhaps the A.N.C.’s greatest betrayal of the dreams of black South Africans — some of whom have turned to burning down schools in protest.

Mr. Mabuza, who declined to be interviewed, built his political career on the schools. Unlike other, more celebrated anti-apartheid leaders, he did not go into exile; he was not imprisoned on the infamous Robben Island. Instead, he fought for the right of black South Africans to receive an equal education, a call he echoed in his recent speech.

But the schools also offered him a rich political opportunity, officials say. Education represents about half of provincial budgets, followed by health. Officials from the National Treasury recently warned in a parliamentary hearing that misspending and mismanagement in Mr. Mabuza’s province were especially rampant in those two departments.

The consequences are evident not only in Mpumalanga, Mr. Mabuza’s province, but across South Africa, where corruption has run through every layer of the education system. Less than a quarter of South African children in fourth grade understand what they read, according to an international literacy test. In sub-Saharan Africa, where South Africa’s economy is by far the most advanced, children in countries like Kenya, Botswana and Swaziland do better in math and reading.

As many South Africans pin their hopes on Mr. Ramaphosa’s pledge for a fresh start, analysts say that much of the country is looking past an unpleasant truth: The new president owes his victory in part to corruption, and much of his administration’s future — as well as the country’s — rests in the hands of Mr. Mabuza.

“If there is any powerful person whom Ramaphosa’s presidency actually relies on, it is Mabuza,” said Ralph Mathekga, the author of “Ramaphosa’s Turn: Can Cyril Save South Africa?”

“We are being reluctant as a nation to face the reality of Mabuza,” he added. “If Ramaphosa gets hit by a bus, Mabuza is going to be the president.”

Scandal From the Start

The numbers just didn’t add up, even at the beginning.

After apartheid ended in 1994, Mr. Mabuza got his first big break: He became Mpumalanga’s education minister, a chance to shape the schools and generations of students attending them.

He had the perfect résumé. The son of farmers, Mr. Mabuza grew up here in the province, walking miles from his village to the only primary school in a nearby town. Though he often had no shoes, he always tucked in his shirt and buttoned it up to the neck, recalled Reginah Mhaule, a childhood peer.

“He was never late,” said Ms. Mhaule, a longtime ally who recently became one of South Africa’s two deputy foreign ministers.

A bright student, Mr. Mabuza ultimately took one of the few jobs available to black South Africans back then. He taught math at the local high school and later became a founding leader of a teachers’ association.

Poor schooling was a major spark in the anti-apartheid movement, most notably in Soweto in 1976, when thousands of students protested the introduction of Afrikaans as the language of instruction. In Mr. Mabuza’s province, teachers and students began organizing against white-minority rule in the early 1980s.

Orlando High School in Soweto in 1977, one year after protests against the use of Afrikaans as the language of instruction in township schools.Credit...Agence France-Presse — Getty Images “The teachers were at the center” of the movement, said Sandile Sukati, a teacher who recruited Mr. Mabuza into the main student organization. Mr. Mabuza quickly stood out, he said, traveling far and wide to build ties among anti-apartheid groups.

“He was a leader in his own right,” Mr. Sukati said.

But after apartheid ended, Mr. Mabuza quickly ran into trouble, leading to the province’s first big scandal of the democratic era.

In 1997, three years into his tenure as education minister, the schools were performing poorly, especially on the national obsession: the annual matriculation exams that determine whether students graduate from high school. The passing rate in his province was 46 percent that year, slightly below the national average.

Mr. Mabuza was feeling the pressure, particularly as powerful A.N.C. leaders returned from exile, often with military credentials that overshadowed his own, several current and former A.N.C. officials said.

“I am in a tight situation,” Mr. Mabuza told some of the teachers, recalled Mr. Sukati, who worked under Mr. Mabuza at the education department.

The next year brought a stunning improvement. The passing rate inexplicably jumped to 72 percent — an incredible turnaround that catapulted Mpumalanga to No. 2 among the nation’s nine provinces.

“I was suspicious,” said Mr. Sukati, who is now a senior education official. “It couldn’t just happen like that.”

A whistle-blower exposed the cheating a few weeks later. The real passing rate, the authorities announced, was under 53 percent. Moreover, the doctoring had taken place inside Mr. Mabuza’s residence, where he met with a small circle of bureaucrats, some of whom were later fired, current and former A.N.C. officials said.

An investigation was never completed. Mr. Mabuza never admitted wrongdoing or suffered any significant consequences. Dropped as education minister, he was named head of housing instead.

Ever since, Mr. Mabuza’s career has been remembered for that scandal, one that helped establish the kind of culture of impunity in his province that has tarnished the A.N.C. across South Africa, current and former party officials say.

“I think, the man, he had to be charged, but unfortunately I don’t know what went wrong,” said Ronnie Malomane, an A.N.C. official who was taught math by Mr. Mabuza in the early 1980s. “They were just giving him position after position.”

Nationally, Mr. Mabuza’s standing kept rising, propelled by his success at attracting new party members. In 2009, Mr. Zuma appointed him premier of all of Mpumalanga province.

But Mr. Mabuza raised more red flags, stripping some of the decision-making power over government projects from local officials and concentrating it in his own office. He justified the move — called the “Rapid Implementation Unit” — as a way to act quickly. Others had a different explanation.

“That’s how he managed to loot,” said Collen Sedibe, a former A.N.C. leader who grew up on the same street as Mr. Mabuza and worked under him in the provincial housing department.

Treasury officials in the province say they are now investigating the irregular expenditures “incurred through the contracts arranged centrally by the Office of the Premier.”

But parents, officials and educators had warned about the damage from corruption and neglect for years, pointing to the painfully overcrowded classrooms and decaying, apartheid-era schools.

“We are teaching because we have to teach, but proper teaching and learning is not taking place,” said Bernard Shakwana, a teacher at Ziyanda’s school, Mpumelelo Primary. Last year, he tried teaching the 60 students in his class under a tree because deep cracks in the school walls and floors suggested that the building might collapse.

Tifonto Masuku, who taught at the school for 35 years, said she retired early because the conditions had become unbearable. The quality of education had suffered so much that she considered it even worse than under apartheid.

“All this is because of the A.N.C.,” Ms. Masuku said. She now runs a butcher shop.

‘They Wanted to Kill Me’

Some in South Africa see a cynicism behind the schools’ conditions. When black South Africans become educated and middle class, their loyalty to the A.N.C. tends to wane.


It took four days of rage before the local A.N.C. councilor showed up.

The councilor, Justice Twelve Siboza, explained that he had been busy the week Ziyanda fell into the toilet, tending to another corner of his ward. Other activities had also drawn his attention: He is a gospel singer with his own radio show, so he crisscrosses the region to perform at weddings and funerals.

He certainly understood the parents’ anger, he said. During the 1980s, he walked more than six miles a day to school, skipping bus fare to save enough money to eat.

But these days, he said, most students graduate without a command of the English language, dooming their job prospects.

“The foundation before was better,” he said of the quality of education in the province.

By the time he got to Ziyanda’s school, hundreds of parents had closed off the unpaved roads, furious that their grievances had been met with near silence from the A.N.C.’s leaders.

Mr. Siboza made sure to bring a gun.

Politics is dangerous in South Africa, sometimes lethal, he said. “You must stay with him,” he said of his gun.

The A.N.C. has a grip on the area around the school because most residents, aside from the lucky few working at the sugar cane plant, are poor and rely on the party for government jobs, contracts or monthly welfare grants.

It is an area Mr. Mabuza knows well. He began his ascent inside the A.N.C. as the head of this part of the province. It was once part of a homeland set aside for black people by the apartheid government. To this day, several A.N.C. officials said, Mr. Mabuza has kept a hold on it through powerful proxies.

Some see a deep cynicism behind the conditions in the schools. When black South Africans become educated and move into the middle class, their loyalty to the party tends to wane, recent elections have shown. So by perpetuating a culture of dependence, critics contend, the A.N.C. ensures its dominance.

But Ms. Mhaule, the childhood peer of Mr. Mabuza, rejected any suggestion that the A.N.C. had failed to prioritize education.

Before becoming deputy foreign minister, she served as Mr. Mabuza’s education minister in the province for nearly a decade. The A.N.C., she said, had built schools in every corner of the country, making education accessible to all. The government gives students meals, books and, to the poorest, free education. It also issues monthly grants to children, pensions to the elderly and free houses to many, she said.

She dismissed the argument that education had been as good, or better, during apartheid, calling it a false depiction of the nation’s brutal past.

“If you know the Bible, the story of the Egyptians moving from Egypt to Canaan, when they were faced with the Red Sea, they said, ‘Why did you take us out of Egypt? It was good there,’” she said.

Officials like Ms. Mhaule say the rising pass rate on the national high school exam provides clear evidence of progress. But the figures can be misleading. The number of students taking the exam has declined in the past two years. Weaker students who would drag down the rate are being held back, education experts say.

About 600 protesters gathered at the school that cold Friday morning when Mr. Siboza, the local A.N.C. councilor, arrived with a police escort. As he moved to talk to the parents, demonstrators showered him with rocks.

“They wanted to kill me,” the councilor said.

Mr. Siboza made a run for it, reaching for the hip holster under his brown overcoat. He took out his gun — firing three times and hitting two teenagers, a girl and a boy.

Lwazi Thobela, shot in the arm, was one of the students injured by Mr. Siboza.


Agreement Mashele, the school board chairman, was shocked. “This man is a church member,” he said.

A few days later, the A.N.C. councilor visited the children he had wounded.

“The councilor said he was very sorry,” said the girl, Siphesihle Ngobeni, whose left leg was grazed by a bullet. The councilor pleaded with her not to press charges and gave her about $15, she said. She used the money to buy sanitary pads.

The boy’s injury was more severe. His father, Petros Thobela, who had gone to the same primary school and did not have a job, accepted a similar apology and compensation of, according to the councilor, about $150.

The boy’s mother, Nobuhle Ndlovu, who does odd jobs, deplored the state of education.

“They promise,” she said, “and they just disappear.”

Still, she would remain loyal to the governing party.

“Yes, of course, I vote A.N.C.,” she said. “It’s our freedom.”

‘He Always Had Money in His House’

When costs are suspiciously high and schools poorly built or maintained, A.N.C. officials say, it is often a warning that money is being skimmed.

The protests spilled into September, but the country’s attention was fixed on another battle: the national push to replace Mr. Zuma as South Africa’s president.

The all-important A.N.C. party election was only a few months away, and officials in Mr. Mabuza’s province were bracing to see whether his years of hard work had paid off.

In early October, the A.N.C. released the delegate breakdown, with good news for Mr. Mabuza: His previously low-ranking province was now the A.N.C.’s second-most powerful.

Mr. Mabuza owed his outsize influence to a single feat. In the past decade, A.N.C. membership in his province had skyrocketed nearly 190 percent, eclipsing the national increase of less than 60 percent. No other province came close to matching Mpumalanga’s explosive growth.

But Mr. Mabuza’s numbers were as cooked as his high school passing rates, current and former A.N.C. officials contend.

In South Africa, taxes are collected by the national government, which distributes the money to provinces. The provinces then use the money — with little oversight from above.

Treasury officials in Mpumalanga say that “irregular expenditures” more than doubled in the previous two budget years, particularly in education, housing and health.

Wages account for most of the education and health budgets. So money is usually siphoned off by politicians and business allies through contracts for services or construction, A.N.C. officials say. When costs are suspiciously high, schools are poorly built or facilities are badly maintained, they say, it is often a warning that money is being skimmed, at the students’ expense.

Lattie Lubisi, center, is head mistress of the Mpumelelo Primary School.

As premier, Mr. Mabuza promoted the construction of big boarding schools, or mega schools, in farm areas to improve rural education. Since 2012, the province has completed five, with two more in the pipeline.

For reasons that have not been explained, the price of each school has ballooned from $11 million to around $30 million.

Asked whether Mr. Mabuza wanted the mega schools to facilitate the theft of public funds, Ms. Mhaule, his former education minister, laughed and said, “I don’t know.”

But other officials say the mega schools were overpriced projects to reward Mr. Mabuza’s allies and finance his A.N.C. membership drive.

Mr. Mabuza “decided that they’re going to build mega schools because that’s where the money is,” said Mr. Mahlalela, the senior A.N.C. official. “These small schools where there’s a crisis of 16 toilets, it’s not a big sum of money. So it’s not easy to steal.”

With the money Mr. Mabuza amassed, current and former A.N.C. officials said, his operatives signed up supporters by providing jobs, money or even just lunch, illegally inflating the party’s membership rolls by paying people’s annual dues with government money.

Mr. Malomane, the A.N.C. official who learned math from Mr. Mabuza in high school, said his former teacher used other tricks to exaggerate the ranks of party loyalists, like “cloning,” in which one person appeared on several party membership rolls at once.

On Mr. Mabuza’s farm in Barberton, south of the provincial capital, his power was on full display, current and former A.N.C. officials said. He received contractors and took his cut before projects were awarded, they said. Those who refused to participate often faced exile.

Mr. Sedibe, his former ally, recounted how young party workers went to the farm for wads of cash from Mr. Mabuza — often about $750 — to wage his recruitment drive.

“He always had money in his house,” said Mr. Sedibe, who is now an opposition leader.

A Government in Trouble

Temporary pre-fabricated classrooms at Mpumelelo Primary School.

Mr. Mabuza — known as “D.D.” back home — was sworn in as deputy president in February. “His passion,” reads his official biography, “still remains in education.”

Minutes after the swearing-in, he faced questions about corruption and political killings in his province. “There’s nothing to set straight,” he told the national public broadcaster.

“I’m here to serve South Africans,” he added. “Let’s give this government a chance.”

He beamed: He now served under President Ramaphosa, who had served under President Zuma, who had served under President Thabo Mbeki, who had served under President Mandela. All of them, except for Mr. Mandela, were forced out by their successors.

Asked whether Mr. Mabuza would lead the nation one day, Ms. Mhaule, his former education minister, sounded confident.

“He may,” she said. “He will. Not he may, he will.”

As Mr. Ramaphosa, who declined to be interviewed, struggles to unite the A.N.C. and overcome corruption, Mr. Mabuza has vowed to “protect” the president.

“He is very safe with me next to him,” Mr. Mabuza has said.

But back in Mr. Mabuza’s province, the government is in trouble. The two biggest departments in the budget — education and health — are plagued by mismanagement, the National Treasury says. The health department is at risk of being taken over by the provincial treasury. Political killings have resumed.

“The center does not hold anymore,” said Mr. Sedibe, the former A.N.C. leader.

In June, residents furious over poor government services set four schools on fire.

“Where are the children going to learn?” asked Sdudla Mlambo in a township called Matsulu.

The night before, a fire tore through six classrooms in her granddaughter’s school. Yellow tape cordoned off the site.

A neighbor, Jessica Sibiya, a 17-year-old high school student, said she used to attend the school. But with Mr. Mabuza’s ascent, she said with a smile, things were looking up. Surely his hour would come.

“I’ll be happy if D.D. becomes president,” she said. “He’ll help this province.”

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